Polish ZEGOTA was the only one organization to save Jews, saved 50000 Jews from Holocaust
Czyj jest ten strach? część Polskie obozy koncentracyjne? "Upside Down"
Czyj jest ten strach? część 2 / 2
Polskie obozy koncentracyjne? "Upside Down"
Polish Pilots of the RAF
A real hero - Witold Pilecki - A Volunteer for Auschwitz
Encouraged by Rabbi Israel Singer's, the General Secretary of the World Jewish Congress, statements in 1996 such as " If Poland does not satisfy Jewish claims, it will be publicly attacked and humiliated in the international forum." So it is a plan to deliberately slander Poland's name and manipulate the American public's opinion against Poles. It was permitted to slander Poles now.
Very beautiful. A GREAT HERO overlooked in the post War history.
Irena Sendler
Irena Sendler, a Catholic hero
ZEGOTA saved 50000 Jews from Holocaust 2/3
Polish ZEGOTA saved 50000 Jews from Holocaust 3/3
Would you risk your own life and your family's to save another human being ? Brave people. Thanks. ZEGOTA was the cryptonym for the clandestine underground organization in German-Nazi- occupied Poland(1939-1945) that provide assistance to the Jewish people. Irena Sendler(Irena Krzyzanowska,Irena Sendlerowa),Zofia Kossak,Wanda Krahelska, Julian Grobelny, Dobrowolski, Tadeusz Rek, Ferdynand Arczynski, Ignacy Barski, Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, Ewa Brzuska,(Granny) and many others brave people.Splendid
Irena Sendler: A Tribute
enigma code breakers
ZEGOTA saved 50000 Jews from Holocaust 1/3
Polish ZEGOTA saved 50000 Jews from Holocaust 3/3
Żegota" ([ʐε'gɔt̪a] (help·info)), also known as the "Konrad Żegota Committee,"[1] was a codename for the Council to Aid Jews (Rada Pomocy Żydom), an underground organization in German-occupied Poland from 1942 to 1945. It operated under the auspices of the Polish Government in Exile through the Government Delegation for Poland, in Warsaw. Żegota's express purpose was to aid the country's Jews and find places of safety for them in occupied Poland. Poland was the only country in occupied Europe where, throughout the war, there existed such a dedicated secret organization.[2]
[edit] Composition
The Council to Aid Jews, Żegota, was the continuation of an earlier secret organization set up for this purpose, called the Provisional Committee to Aid Jews (Tymczasowy Komitet Pomocy Żydom), founded in September 1942 by Zofia Kossak-Szczucka and Wanda Krahelska-Filipowicz ("Alinka") and made up of democratic as well as Catholic activists. Its members included Władysław Bartoszewski, later Polish Foreign Minister (1995, 2000). Within a short time, the Provisional Committee had 180 persons under its care, but was dissolved for political and financial reasons.[1]
Founded soon after, in October 1942, Żegota was the brainchild of Henryk Woliński of the Home Army (AK). From its inception, the elected General Secretary of Żegota was Julian Grobelny, an activist in prewar Polish Socialist Party. Its Treasurer, Ferdynand Arczyński, was a member of the Polish Democratic Party. They were also the two of its most active workers. Żegota was the only Polish organization in World War II run jointly by Jews and non-Jews from a wide range of political movements. Politically, the organization was formed by Polish and Jewish underground political parties.
Jewish organizations were represented on the central committee by Adolf Bermann and Leon Feiner. The member organizations were the Jewish National Committee (an umbrella group representing the Zionist parties) and the socialist General Jewish Labor Union. Both Jewish parties operated independently also, using money from Jewish organizations abroad channelled to them by the Polish underground. They helped to subsidize the Polish branch of the organization, whose funding from the Polish Government-in-Exile reached significant proportions only in the spring of 1944. On the Polish side, political participation included the Polish Socialist Party as well as Democratic Party (Stronnictwo Demokratyczne) and a small rightist Front Odrodzenia Polski. Notably, the main right-wing party, the National Party (Stronnictwo Narodowe) refused to participate.
Kossack-Szczucka withdrew from participation from the onset. She had wanted Żegota to become an example of pure Christian charity and argued that the Jews had their own international charity organizations. She went on to act in the Social Self-Help Organization (Społeczna Organizacja Samopomocy - SOS) as a liaison between Żegota and Catholic convents and orphanages, where Catholic clergy hid many Jews.[3]
Żegota had around one hundred (100) sections. According to a letter by Adolf Berman, the Jewish Secretary of Żegota, dated February 26, 1977, there were other activists especially meritorious. He mentioned theatre artist Prof. Maria Grzegorzewski, psychologist Irena Solski, Janina Buchholtz-Bukolski*, educator Irena Sawicki*, scouting activist Dr. Ewa Rybicki, school principal Irena Kurowski, Prof. Stanislaw Ossowski and Prof. Maria Ossowski, zoo director Dr. Jan Zabinski* and his wife Antonina*, a writer, the unforgettable director of children's theatres Stefania Sempolowski, Jan Wesolowski*, Sylwia Rzeczycki*, Maria Laski, Maria Derwisz-Parnowski. Great merits had former Senator Zofia Rodziewicz, Zofia Latallo, Dr. Regina Fleszar and others. Beside the university educated people there were commoners like Waleria Malaczewski, Antonina Roguski, Jadwiga Leszczanin, Zofia Debicki*, tailor Stanislaw Michalski, farmers Kajszczak from Lomianki and Pawel Harmuszko, laborer Kazimierz Kuc and many others. – Those with the asterix (*) after their name have been recognized by Yad Vashem as Righteous Among the Nations up to the end of 1999.[4]
[edit] Activities
Żegota helped save some 4,000 Polish Jews by providing food, medical care, relief money and false identity documents for those hiding on the so-called "Aryan" side of German-occupied Poland. Most of its activity took place in Warsaw. The Jewish National Committee had some 5,600 Jews under its care, and the Bund an additional 1,500, but the activities of the three organizations overlapped to a considerable degree. Between them, they were able to reach some 8,500 of the 28,000 Jews hiding in Warsaw, as well as perhaps 1,000 elsewhere in Poland.
Help in the form of money, food and medicines was organised by Żegota for the Jews in several forced labour camps in Poland as well.[2] Forged identity documents were procured for those hiding on the 'Aryan side' including financial aid. The escape of Jews from ghettos, camps and deportation trains occurred mostly spontaneously through personal contacts, and most of the help that was extended to Jews in the country was similarly personal in nature. Since Jews in hiding preferred to remain well-concealed, Żegota had trouble finding them. Its activities therefore did not develop on a larger scale until late in 1943.
The German occupying forces made concealing Jews a crime punishable by death for everyone living in a house where Jews were discovered. Over 700 Poles murdered by Germans as a result of helping and sheltering their Jewish neighbors were posthumously awarded the title Righteous Among the Nations.[5] They were only a small part of several thousand Poles reportedly executed by the Nazis for aiding Jews.[6] It is estimated that some 200,000 Poles were engaged in helping Jews even though the threat of death did act as a deterrent.
Żegota did play a large part in placing Jewish children with foster families, public orphanages and church institutions (orphanages and convents). The foster families had to be told that the children were Jewish, so that they could take appropriate precautions, especially in the case of boys. (Jewish boys, unlike Poles, were circumcised.) Żegota sometimes paid for the children's care. In Warsaw, Żegota's children department, headed by Irena Sendler, cared for 2,500 of the 9,000 Jewish children smuggled from the Warsaw Ghetto.
Medical attention for the Jews in hiding was also made available through the Committee of Democratic and Socialist Physicians. Żegota had ties with many ghettos and camps. It also made numerous efforts to induce the Polish Government in Exile and the Delegatura to appeal to the Polish population to help the persecuted Jews.[7]
Postwar recognition
Many members of Żegota were memorialised in Israel in 1963 with a planting of a tree in the Avenue of the Righteous at Yad Vashem. Władysław Bartoszewski was present at the event.
Quotes
“Żegota is the story of extraordinary heroism amidst unique depravity – compelling in its human as well as historical dimensions. It is a particularly valuable addition to our understanding of the many facets of the Holocaust because Żegota as an organized effort was tantamount to ‘Schindler’s List’ multiplied a hundredfold.” ― Zbigniew Brzeziński
Polish Underground State
History of Poland
General:
^ a b Yad Vashem Shoa Resource Center, Zegota, page 4/34 of the Report.
^ a b Andrzej Sławiński, Those who helped Polish Jews during WWII. Translated from Polish by Antoni Bohdanowicz. Article on the pages of the London Branch of the Polish Home Army Ex-Servicemen Association. Last accessed on March 14 2008.
^ Gunnar S. Paulsson Secret City: The Hidden Jews of Warsaw, 1940-1945 Published 2003 Yale University Press ISBN 0300095465
^ Anna Poraj, Polish Righteous, Those Who Risked Their Lives; see: Rajszczak family, 2004.
^ Chaim Chefer, Righteous of the World: Polish citizens killed while helping Jews During the Holocaust
^ Ron Riesenbach, The Story of the Survival of the Riesenbach Family
^ Paulsson (2002)
(Polish) various authors. in Andrzej Krzysztof Kunert, Andrzej Friszke: „Żegota” Rada Pomocy Żydom 1942–1945. Warsaw: Rada Ochrony Pamięci Walk i Męczeństwa. ISBN 83-91666-6-0.
(English) various authors (2003). in Joshua D. Zimmerman: Contested Memories: Poles and Jews During the Holocaust and Its Aftermath. Rutgers University Press, 336. ISBN 0813531586.
(English) MS Nechama Tec (1986). When Light Pierced the Darkness: Christian Rescue of Jews in Nazi-occupied Poland. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 0195051947.
(English) Tadeusz Piotrowski (1997). Poland's Holocaust. McFarland & Company. ISBN 0-7864-0371-3.
(English) Gunnar S. Paulsson. Secret City: The Hidden Jews of Warsaw, 1940-1945. Yale: Yale University Press, 2002. ISBN 0300095465.
(English) Irene Tomaszewski; Tecia Werbowski (1994). Zegota: The Rescue of Jews in Wartime Poland. Montreal: Price-Patterson.
(English) Irene Tomaszewski; Tecia Werbowski (1994). Zegota: The Council to Aid Jews in Occupied Poland 1942-1945. Price-Patterson. ISBN 1896881157.
Monday, June 30, 2008
To Israeli Young Tourists Please change your behavior when coming to Poland or do not come.
To Israeli Young Tourists Please change your behavior when coming to Poland or do not come.
Israeli Tourists with an angry streak
AMONGST some of Israeli Jewish tourists who come to Poland lurk a terrible bunch 'the angry ones'.
There are many 'angry ones' coming ‘back’ to Poland. I don’t have a number, but I know -– I meet them.
I hear them in their noisy groups when they flood the small peaceful streets of Kazimierz, talking as if they forgot to pack any sense of volume control and singing like drunk football fans returning from a soccer match.
I see them obnoxiously draped in Israeli flags which appear as essential to their outfit as their underwear.
Each group that comes 'back' come for its own reasons.
I met a group who, in my opinion, did not come for the right reason.
This group came in order to vent their anger they came to be angry.
One of them suggested that the Jewish community in Poland has been unfairly making money off the tourists that visit.
She further complained (to me and several non-Jewish members of the museum’s staff) of her disappointment and disgust that none of their guides had been Jewish.
When a young member of the Polish Jewish community joined the discussion, she said that she knew how the Jewish community here should be organized.
And she was dumbfounded to hear that the regular Jewish organizations which existed in her own community had not been installed here.
“But why don’t the young Jews of Poland join the lone-soldiers’ program in Israel?” she asked in shock.
“Their parents will be provided with a free ticket to visit their children at the end of the course!”
As if this incentive alone should be enough to convince these young Poles that their only option in life is to join the Israeli army.
It is most definitely important for those Jews who feel the interest to visit Poland to do so.
I urge them to come and see the traces of the vibrant prewar Jewish life in Poland which can still be found.
I wholly support that they visit as a means to pay respect to those who were murdered in the Shoah.
But I beg that each travelers asks himself first -– why am I coming?
Please don’t come as a way of releasing your anger on the Polish population.
Yes, the vast majority of Jews who were killed in the Shoah were done so on Polish soil.
But it was the Nazis who perpetrated this act, and even if some Poles supported their actions, it was not the Poles who committed the Holocaust.
Please don’t come to draw inappropriate levels of attention toward yourself as a way of proving to the Poles that the Jewish nation is still alive.
It is unfair on today’s Poles, the vast majority of whom are completely innocent.
It is also an inappropriate expression of nationalism in a foreign country.
The "angry" jews have no idea about the polish-jewish history.
They have no idea who Irena Sendler was or who Jan Karski was and how Poland looked like between 1939-45.
They have no idea how many Polish families helped Jews during the war and how many Poles were killed instantly because of that by the German nazis.
Kasia in Kazimierz asks Jewish tourists to not come to Poland “to be angry”: “Rather, come to learn about the past and perhaps about your family’s heritage. Come to learn from Poland’s diverse Jewish community, a community who really understands what it means to look after one another. Come to meet with non-Jewish Poles who really do care about restoring the memory of the Jewish community which was wiped off their map. Come to understand the true complexities of Polish-Jewish relations.”
Śmiechy i dowcipy podczas uroczystości
piątek 25 kwietnia 2008 18:20
Oburzające zachowanie młodych Żydów w getcie
» Oburzające zachowanie młodych Żydów w getcie Zamknij X
zobacz galerię fot. Michał Rozbicki Opowiadali sobie dowcipy, grali w berka, drzemali na trawie... Uczniowie z Izraela nie potrafili zachować się podczas niedawnych obchodów 65. rocznicy powstania w warszawskim getcie. Zwrócił na to uwagę izraelski portal "Ynetnews". Autor informacji nie kryje oburzenia.
Attila Somfalwi jest zażenowany zachowaniem izraelskiej młodzieży, która przyjechała na uroczystości w Warszawie. Podczas gdy setki uczestników obchodów rocznicowych, w obecności prezydentów Polski i Izraela, w wielkim skupieniu słuchało przemówień, uczniowie zorganizowali sobie coś w rodzaju równoległego "festynu" - ubolewa.
Somfalwi nie szczędzi też krytyki nauczycielom, którzy powinni byli uspokoić swoich podopiecznych. Jego zdaniem, zamiast to zrobić, obojętnie przypatrywali się ekscesom bądź nawet próbowali tłumaczyć zachowanie uczniów.
Dziennikarz wylicza: głośne śmiechy, krótkie drzemki na trawie, słuchanie muzyki, opowiadanie dowcipów, palenie, jedzenie, chichoty, krzyki, zabawy w "berka". I podsumowuje, że w Izraelu zapomniano o wpojeniu młodym ludziom zasad moralnych.
"Nie wspomnę o postawie uczniów podczas polskiego hymnu, bo mi po prostu wstyd" - dodaje Somfalwi.
The list of losses Israeli teenagers’ visits leave behind is long and costly. It begins with burned carpets in Polish hotels, and ends with Jewish teenagers’ trauma. But more and more often with local residents’ trauma too.
Roberto Lucchesini, originally from Tuscany, for several years now a resident of Krakow, hasn’t been sleeping well recently. Before he will be able to move his arms normally again, he will have to go through long rehab. All this because of how he was treated, in broad daylight in front of passers-by and several teenagers who were hermetically closed in their coach-buses. Israeli bodyguards, equipped with firearms, binded his arms behind his back over his head with handcuffs. In Krakow, in the middle of the street. A moment before, the Italian was trying to make coach drivers parking in front of his house turn their engines off. - ‘Israelis handcuffed me, threw me on the ground, my face landed in dog excrement, and then they were kicking me’. After that the perpetrators were gone. Italian had to be freed by the Polish police.
Lucchesini moved to Kazimierz, a district of Kraków, that used to be a Jewish commune of which the only things left now are synagogues and memories, often painful. He found an apartment with a view on the synagogue. - ‘Back then I had thought this was the most beautiful place on Earth’ - he says - ‘after some time I understood that the place is indeed beautiful, but not for its today’s residents’.
Kicking instead of answers
Jews search tourist
Other resident of Kazimierz, Beata W., office worker is of similar opinion. Israeli security searched her handbag on one of the streets, without telling her why.
- ‘When I asked what was this all about, they told me to shut up. I listened, I stopped talking, I was afraid they’d tell me to get undressed next’ - she says annoyed.
A young polish Jew, who as usual in Sabbath, went to pray in his synagogue couple months ago, also didn’t get his answer. He only asked, why can’t he enter the temple. Instead of an answer, he got kicked.
- ‘I saw this with my own eyes’ - says Mike Urbaniak, the editor of Forum Of Polish Jews and correspondent of European Jewish Press in Poland. - ‘I saw how my friend is being brutally attacked by security agents from Israel, without any reason.’
All this apparently in sake of Israeli childrens’ safety.
- ‘For Poles it may be difficult to understand, but security agents accompany Israelis at all times, both in Israel and abroad’ - explains Michał Sobelman, a spokesman for Israeli embassy in Poland. - ‘This is a parents’ demand, otherwise they wouldn’t agree for any kind of trip. Poland is no exception.’
But it was in Poland, as Mike Urbaniak reports, where Jews from Israel brutally kicked a Polish Jew in front of a synagogue, and then threatened him with prison. In plain view of the Israeli teenagers.
- ‘We are very sorry when we hear about such incidents’ - Sobelman admits - ‘Detailed analysis is carried out in each case. We will do everything we can, to prevent such situations in the future. Maybe we will have to change training methods of our security agents, so that they would know Poland is not like Israel, that the scale of threats here is insignificant?
Professor Moshe Zimmermann, head of German History Institute at Hebrew University in Jerusalem thinks however, that the problem is not only in the security agents’ behaviour. He thinks Israelis basically think that Poles aren’t equal partners for them. And it’s not only that they think Poles can’t ensure their children’s safety.
- ‘They are not equal partners to any kind of discussion. It applies also to our common history, contemporary history and politics. In result Israeli youth see Poles as second category people, as potential enemies’ - he explains bluntly.
An instruction on conduct with the local inhabitants given away to Israeli teenagers coming to Poland couple years ago may confirm professor’s opinion. It contained such a paragraph: ‘Everywhere we will be surrounded by Poles. We will hate them because of their participation in Holocaust’.
Jews hate Poles
- ‘Agendas of our teenagers’ trips to Poland are set in advance by the Israeli government, and are not flexible’ - says Ilona Dworak-Cousin, the chairwoman of the Polish-Israeli Friendship Association in Israel. - ‘Those trips basically come down to visiting, one by one, the places of extermination of Jews. From that perspective Poland is just a huge Jewish graveyard. And nothing more. Meeting living people, for those who organise these trips, is meaningless.’
A resident of Kraków’s Kazimierz district, who is of Jewish descent, says that there is nothing wrong with that: - ‘Israelis don’t come to Poland for holiday. Their aim is to see the sites of Shoah and listen to the terrifying history of their families, history that often is not told to them by their grandparents, because of its emotional weight. Often young people who are leaving, cry, phone their parents and say “why didn’t you tell me it was that horrible?”. To be frank, I am not surprised they have no interest in talking about Lajkonik‘.
However according to Ilona Dworak-Cousin the lack of contact with Poles, causes Israeli youth to confuse victims with the perpetrators. - ‘They start to think it were the Poles who created concentration camps for Jews, that it is the Polish who were and still are the biggest anti-Semites in the world’ - adds Dworak-Cousin, who is Jewish herself.
The above mentioned Kraków resident has a different opinion. - ‘I don’t believe anyone was telling them that the Poles had been doing this. That’s why there is no need for discussing anything with the Poles’.
Teenagers behaving badly
However, many Israelis say that although the instruction was eventually changed, the attitude to Poles has not changed at all.
- ‘Someone in Israel some day decided, that our children going to Poland have to be hermetically surrounded by security’ - says Lili Haber president of Cracovians Association in Israel. - ‘Someone decided that young Israelis cannot meet young Poles, and cannot walk the streets. Basically these visits aren’t anything else but a several-day-long voluntary prison.’
RIch brat jews
Voluntary, but also very expensive: 1400 USD per person. Not every Israeli parent can afford such a trip.
- ‘Moreover, as it turns out, the children are too young, to visit sites of mass murders’ - adds dr Ilona Dworak-Cousin. Traumatic experiences that accompany visits in death camps have its consequences. Kids become aggressive. And instead of getting to know the country of their ancestors, in which Jews and Poles lived in symbiosis for over 1000 years, Israeli teenagers cause one scandal after another.
Shitting in beds
It happens sometimes, that somewhere between Majdanek and Treblinka, young Israelis spend their time on striptease ordered via the hotel telephone. It happens sometimes, that the hotel service has to collect human excrement from hotel beds and washbasins. It happens sometimes, that hotels have to give money back to other tourists, who cannot sleep because Israeli kids decided to play football in hotel corridor. In the middle of the night.
Jews block streets
6-year-old Krzys from Kazimierz played football too. On Sunday night on 15th April, after shooting two goals, he wanted to go home, as usual. He lives near a synagogue, in front of which hundreds of young Israelis have gathered on celebrations preceding March of Living. Just before Szeroka street he was stopped by some not-so-nice men. - ‘This is a semi-private area today. There is no entry’ - he was told. It didn’t help, when he told them, his mum will get upset if he won’t be home on time.
Security officers, which is interesting, were Polish this time and accompanied by the Polish police. They also denied access to the area to a Dutch couple, who had reserved a table at one of the restaurants on Szeroka street six months ago. - ‘Is this a free country?’ - One of the tourists tried to make sure.
On a normal day you can access Szeroka street from several sides. That evening from none. I tried to get through myself, without any success. Only eventually, the police helped me to pass the security line.
- ‘There are no official restrictions here’ - they were convincing me a moment later, although the “unofficial practice” was different.
- ‘We have only set certain restrictions in movement’ - Sylvia Bober-Jasnoch, a spokeswoman for Malopolska Region Police press service, explained to me later.
The police cannot say anything else. Polish law does not allow residents to be denied access to the streets they live at. Even during the so called mass events (however the celebrations on Szeroka did not have that status) residents have the right to go back to their homes and tourists have the right to dine in a restaurant. Also Israeli security agents have no right to stop or search passers-by.
I tried to find out more on the rights of Israeli security agents in Poland. First at the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, from where my question was sent to…. the Ministry of Education. I have also sent questions to the Home Office. Although I was promised, I received no answer. Only person eager to talk on that matter was Maciej Kozłowski, former ambassador in Israel, currently the Plenipotentiary of the Minister of Foreign Affairs for Polish-Israeli relations.
- ‘Regulations are imprecise’ - admits Kozłowski. ‘Basically bodyguards from a foreign country should not move around Poland armed. However for the government of Israel security matters are a priority. Any convincing that their citizens should use the services of Polish security turned unsuccessful’.
Airplane like battle field
The Polish-Italian couple, Robert Lucchesini, his wife Anna, and their two-year-old daughter, cannot understand Polish government’s attitude. Which contrary to the Israeli government, is not able to ensure the safety of its citizens. Safety is not the only thing among the pair’s priorities, but also peace and quietness. They are however being woken up every morning by the loud noises of engines, of the Polish coach-buses with groups of Israeli youth. Their Polish drivers brake driving regulations all the time. They’re allowed to park at the square near the synagogue (in front of Robert’s house) only for up to 10 minutes. They stay there much longer, even hours. With their engines turned on. Reason? Youth’s safety - they would be able to leave quicker in case of a threat. And because Israeli kids need to be served coffee. Because even though Kazimierz is full of cafes, Israeli teenagers don’t go there. They are being told: no contacts with environment, no talking to passers-by, no smiles nor gestures.
This has been going for years. Israeli groups contact with Poles only there where they have to. First in airplanes.
Slapped stewardess
- ‘A plane after such group has landed, looks like a battle field’ - admits a worker of LOT Polish Airlines asking for his name not to be published. - ‘The worst thing is these kids’ attitude to Polish staff. Recently a stewardess was slapped by a teenager in her face. Because he had been waiting for his coca-cola too long’.
Leszek Chorzewski, LOT spokesman, admits that Israeli youth is a difficult customer. - ‘They demand not only more attention then other passengers, but also more security precautions’ - he adds. These precautions are long aircraft and airport controls conducted by Israeli services. These are also the high demands of the teenagers’ security agents.
Katarzyna Łazuga, student from Poznań, could see that first hand. She participated in a tourist guides’ training on one of Polish airports. ‘Young people from Israel entered the room we were in’, she recalls. - ‘Our group was then made to stop classes and rushed out of the room. Israeli security officers told us to go out, right now and without any talking. Because… we were “staring” at their clients. Yes, we were looking at them. They were catching attention, they were good looking.’
Young Israelis see Poles also there, where they board - in Polish hotels. If any of them still wants to have them. Most of those in Kraków don’t want to any more.
- ‘We have resigned from admitting Israeli youth once and for all’ - admits Agnieszka Tomczyk, assistant manageress in a chain of hotels called System. ‘We could not afford to refund the loses after their stays any more’.
Shiting in beds
These loses being: demolished rooms, broken chairs and tables, human excrements in washbasins or trash bins, or like in Astoria, other hotel in Kraków, burned carpet. Astoria also backs out from having Israeli groups. One of the reasons is that the teenagers’ security agents were ordering other guests, whom they didn’t like, to leave.
- ‘I understand that Israeli security agents are over-sensitive to any disturbing signals. They are coming from a country where bombs explode almost daily, and young people die in terrorist attacks’ - ensures Mike Urbaniak. - ‘But Poland is one of the safest countries in Europe. Here, excluding tiny number of incidents, Jews are not being attacked, and Jewish institutions don’t need security, which is very unusual on a world scale’.
Huge business
Chasidim, travelling in great numbers from Israel, also (surprisingly) don’t need security agents. Including for example many Orthodox Jews, who came to visit our country recently, as they wanted to pray at Tzadik of Lelów’s grave. They came to the market square in Kazimierz without any security assistance and without any fear.
- ‘They chatted eagerly with tourists interested in their outfits, with passers-by who don’t see Jews with side curls every day’ - adds Urbaniak.
In Kazimierz chasidim are nothing unusual. Like groups of Israeli teenagers. This year 30,000 Israeli teenagers are coming to Poland, and they will have 800 security agents to protect them.
Roberto Lucchesini reported to the Polish police that he got beaten by Israeli security. Krakow Prosecution Office is investigating the case, and so is its counterpart in Israel.
- ‘Results of this investigation are of medium importance’ - thinks Ilona Dworak-Cousin. - ‘What matters is if the youth that visits Poland, will still treat it as hostile and completely alien country’.
Polish-Israeli Friendship Association in Israel and Cracovians Association in Israel both try to convince the government of their country, not to send any more teenagers to see only the death camps in Poland. Chances are slim.
- ‘These trips are mostly a huge business for people who organise them’ - says Lili Haber - ‘including Israeli bodyguards’.
Israeli Tourists with an angry streak
AMONGST some of Israeli Jewish tourists who come to Poland lurk a terrible bunch 'the angry ones'.
There are many 'angry ones' coming ‘back’ to Poland. I don’t have a number, but I know -– I meet them.
I hear them in their noisy groups when they flood the small peaceful streets of Kazimierz, talking as if they forgot to pack any sense of volume control and singing like drunk football fans returning from a soccer match.
I see them obnoxiously draped in Israeli flags which appear as essential to their outfit as their underwear.
Each group that comes 'back' come for its own reasons.
I met a group who, in my opinion, did not come for the right reason.
This group came in order to vent their anger they came to be angry.
One of them suggested that the Jewish community in Poland has been unfairly making money off the tourists that visit.
She further complained (to me and several non-Jewish members of the museum’s staff) of her disappointment and disgust that none of their guides had been Jewish.
When a young member of the Polish Jewish community joined the discussion, she said that she knew how the Jewish community here should be organized.
And she was dumbfounded to hear that the regular Jewish organizations which existed in her own community had not been installed here.
“But why don’t the young Jews of Poland join the lone-soldiers’ program in Israel?” she asked in shock.
“Their parents will be provided with a free ticket to visit their children at the end of the course!”
As if this incentive alone should be enough to convince these young Poles that their only option in life is to join the Israeli army.
It is most definitely important for those Jews who feel the interest to visit Poland to do so.
I urge them to come and see the traces of the vibrant prewar Jewish life in Poland which can still be found.
I wholly support that they visit as a means to pay respect to those who were murdered in the Shoah.
But I beg that each travelers asks himself first -– why am I coming?
Please don’t come as a way of releasing your anger on the Polish population.
Yes, the vast majority of Jews who were killed in the Shoah were done so on Polish soil.
But it was the Nazis who perpetrated this act, and even if some Poles supported their actions, it was not the Poles who committed the Holocaust.
Please don’t come to draw inappropriate levels of attention toward yourself as a way of proving to the Poles that the Jewish nation is still alive.
It is unfair on today’s Poles, the vast majority of whom are completely innocent.
It is also an inappropriate expression of nationalism in a foreign country.
The "angry" jews have no idea about the polish-jewish history.
They have no idea who Irena Sendler was or who Jan Karski was and how Poland looked like between 1939-45.
They have no idea how many Polish families helped Jews during the war and how many Poles were killed instantly because of that by the German nazis.
Kasia in Kazimierz asks Jewish tourists to not come to Poland “to be angry”: “Rather, come to learn about the past and perhaps about your family’s heritage. Come to learn from Poland’s diverse Jewish community, a community who really understands what it means to look after one another. Come to meet with non-Jewish Poles who really do care about restoring the memory of the Jewish community which was wiped off their map. Come to understand the true complexities of Polish-Jewish relations.”
Śmiechy i dowcipy podczas uroczystości
piątek 25 kwietnia 2008 18:20
Oburzające zachowanie młodych Żydów w getcie
» Oburzające zachowanie młodych Żydów w getcie Zamknij X
zobacz galerię fot. Michał Rozbicki Opowiadali sobie dowcipy, grali w berka, drzemali na trawie... Uczniowie z Izraela nie potrafili zachować się podczas niedawnych obchodów 65. rocznicy powstania w warszawskim getcie. Zwrócił na to uwagę izraelski portal "Ynetnews". Autor informacji nie kryje oburzenia.
Attila Somfalwi jest zażenowany zachowaniem izraelskiej młodzieży, która przyjechała na uroczystości w Warszawie. Podczas gdy setki uczestników obchodów rocznicowych, w obecności prezydentów Polski i Izraela, w wielkim skupieniu słuchało przemówień, uczniowie zorganizowali sobie coś w rodzaju równoległego "festynu" - ubolewa.
Somfalwi nie szczędzi też krytyki nauczycielom, którzy powinni byli uspokoić swoich podopiecznych. Jego zdaniem, zamiast to zrobić, obojętnie przypatrywali się ekscesom bądź nawet próbowali tłumaczyć zachowanie uczniów.
Dziennikarz wylicza: głośne śmiechy, krótkie drzemki na trawie, słuchanie muzyki, opowiadanie dowcipów, palenie, jedzenie, chichoty, krzyki, zabawy w "berka". I podsumowuje, że w Izraelu zapomniano o wpojeniu młodym ludziom zasad moralnych.
"Nie wspomnę o postawie uczniów podczas polskiego hymnu, bo mi po prostu wstyd" - dodaje Somfalwi.
The list of losses Israeli teenagers’ visits leave behind is long and costly. It begins with burned carpets in Polish hotels, and ends with Jewish teenagers’ trauma. But more and more often with local residents’ trauma too.
Roberto Lucchesini, originally from Tuscany, for several years now a resident of Krakow, hasn’t been sleeping well recently. Before he will be able to move his arms normally again, he will have to go through long rehab. All this because of how he was treated, in broad daylight in front of passers-by and several teenagers who were hermetically closed in their coach-buses. Israeli bodyguards, equipped with firearms, binded his arms behind his back over his head with handcuffs. In Krakow, in the middle of the street. A moment before, the Italian was trying to make coach drivers parking in front of his house turn their engines off. - ‘Israelis handcuffed me, threw me on the ground, my face landed in dog excrement, and then they were kicking me’. After that the perpetrators were gone. Italian had to be freed by the Polish police.
Lucchesini moved to Kazimierz, a district of Kraków, that used to be a Jewish commune of which the only things left now are synagogues and memories, often painful. He found an apartment with a view on the synagogue. - ‘Back then I had thought this was the most beautiful place on Earth’ - he says - ‘after some time I understood that the place is indeed beautiful, but not for its today’s residents’.
Kicking instead of answers
Jews search tourist
Other resident of Kazimierz, Beata W., office worker is of similar opinion. Israeli security searched her handbag on one of the streets, without telling her why.
- ‘When I asked what was this all about, they told me to shut up. I listened, I stopped talking, I was afraid they’d tell me to get undressed next’ - she says annoyed.
A young polish Jew, who as usual in Sabbath, went to pray in his synagogue couple months ago, also didn’t get his answer. He only asked, why can’t he enter the temple. Instead of an answer, he got kicked.
- ‘I saw this with my own eyes’ - says Mike Urbaniak, the editor of Forum Of Polish Jews and correspondent of European Jewish Press in Poland. - ‘I saw how my friend is being brutally attacked by security agents from Israel, without any reason.’
All this apparently in sake of Israeli childrens’ safety.
- ‘For Poles it may be difficult to understand, but security agents accompany Israelis at all times, both in Israel and abroad’ - explains Michał Sobelman, a spokesman for Israeli embassy in Poland. - ‘This is a parents’ demand, otherwise they wouldn’t agree for any kind of trip. Poland is no exception.’
But it was in Poland, as Mike Urbaniak reports, where Jews from Israel brutally kicked a Polish Jew in front of a synagogue, and then threatened him with prison. In plain view of the Israeli teenagers.
- ‘We are very sorry when we hear about such incidents’ - Sobelman admits - ‘Detailed analysis is carried out in each case. We will do everything we can, to prevent such situations in the future. Maybe we will have to change training methods of our security agents, so that they would know Poland is not like Israel, that the scale of threats here is insignificant?
Professor Moshe Zimmermann, head of German History Institute at Hebrew University in Jerusalem thinks however, that the problem is not only in the security agents’ behaviour. He thinks Israelis basically think that Poles aren’t equal partners for them. And it’s not only that they think Poles can’t ensure their children’s safety.
- ‘They are not equal partners to any kind of discussion. It applies also to our common history, contemporary history and politics. In result Israeli youth see Poles as second category people, as potential enemies’ - he explains bluntly.
An instruction on conduct with the local inhabitants given away to Israeli teenagers coming to Poland couple years ago may confirm professor’s opinion. It contained such a paragraph: ‘Everywhere we will be surrounded by Poles. We will hate them because of their participation in Holocaust’.
Jews hate Poles
- ‘Agendas of our teenagers’ trips to Poland are set in advance by the Israeli government, and are not flexible’ - says Ilona Dworak-Cousin, the chairwoman of the Polish-Israeli Friendship Association in Israel. - ‘Those trips basically come down to visiting, one by one, the places of extermination of Jews. From that perspective Poland is just a huge Jewish graveyard. And nothing more. Meeting living people, for those who organise these trips, is meaningless.’
A resident of Kraków’s Kazimierz district, who is of Jewish descent, says that there is nothing wrong with that: - ‘Israelis don’t come to Poland for holiday. Their aim is to see the sites of Shoah and listen to the terrifying history of their families, history that often is not told to them by their grandparents, because of its emotional weight. Often young people who are leaving, cry, phone their parents and say “why didn’t you tell me it was that horrible?”. To be frank, I am not surprised they have no interest in talking about Lajkonik‘.
However according to Ilona Dworak-Cousin the lack of contact with Poles, causes Israeli youth to confuse victims with the perpetrators. - ‘They start to think it were the Poles who created concentration camps for Jews, that it is the Polish who were and still are the biggest anti-Semites in the world’ - adds Dworak-Cousin, who is Jewish herself.
The above mentioned Kraków resident has a different opinion. - ‘I don’t believe anyone was telling them that the Poles had been doing this. That’s why there is no need for discussing anything with the Poles’.
Teenagers behaving badly
However, many Israelis say that although the instruction was eventually changed, the attitude to Poles has not changed at all.
- ‘Someone in Israel some day decided, that our children going to Poland have to be hermetically surrounded by security’ - says Lili Haber president of Cracovians Association in Israel. - ‘Someone decided that young Israelis cannot meet young Poles, and cannot walk the streets. Basically these visits aren’t anything else but a several-day-long voluntary prison.’
RIch brat jews
Voluntary, but also very expensive: 1400 USD per person. Not every Israeli parent can afford such a trip.
- ‘Moreover, as it turns out, the children are too young, to visit sites of mass murders’ - adds dr Ilona Dworak-Cousin. Traumatic experiences that accompany visits in death camps have its consequences. Kids become aggressive. And instead of getting to know the country of their ancestors, in which Jews and Poles lived in symbiosis for over 1000 years, Israeli teenagers cause one scandal after another.
Shitting in beds
It happens sometimes, that somewhere between Majdanek and Treblinka, young Israelis spend their time on striptease ordered via the hotel telephone. It happens sometimes, that the hotel service has to collect human excrement from hotel beds and washbasins. It happens sometimes, that hotels have to give money back to other tourists, who cannot sleep because Israeli kids decided to play football in hotel corridor. In the middle of the night.
Jews block streets
6-year-old Krzys from Kazimierz played football too. On Sunday night on 15th April, after shooting two goals, he wanted to go home, as usual. He lives near a synagogue, in front of which hundreds of young Israelis have gathered on celebrations preceding March of Living. Just before Szeroka street he was stopped by some not-so-nice men. - ‘This is a semi-private area today. There is no entry’ - he was told. It didn’t help, when he told them, his mum will get upset if he won’t be home on time.
Security officers, which is interesting, were Polish this time and accompanied by the Polish police. They also denied access to the area to a Dutch couple, who had reserved a table at one of the restaurants on Szeroka street six months ago. - ‘Is this a free country?’ - One of the tourists tried to make sure.
On a normal day you can access Szeroka street from several sides. That evening from none. I tried to get through myself, without any success. Only eventually, the police helped me to pass the security line.
- ‘There are no official restrictions here’ - they were convincing me a moment later, although the “unofficial practice” was different.
- ‘We have only set certain restrictions in movement’ - Sylvia Bober-Jasnoch, a spokeswoman for Malopolska Region Police press service, explained to me later.
The police cannot say anything else. Polish law does not allow residents to be denied access to the streets they live at. Even during the so called mass events (however the celebrations on Szeroka did not have that status) residents have the right to go back to their homes and tourists have the right to dine in a restaurant. Also Israeli security agents have no right to stop or search passers-by.
I tried to find out more on the rights of Israeli security agents in Poland. First at the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, from where my question was sent to…. the Ministry of Education. I have also sent questions to the Home Office. Although I was promised, I received no answer. Only person eager to talk on that matter was Maciej Kozłowski, former ambassador in Israel, currently the Plenipotentiary of the Minister of Foreign Affairs for Polish-Israeli relations.
- ‘Regulations are imprecise’ - admits Kozłowski. ‘Basically bodyguards from a foreign country should not move around Poland armed. However for the government of Israel security matters are a priority. Any convincing that their citizens should use the services of Polish security turned unsuccessful’.
Airplane like battle field
The Polish-Italian couple, Robert Lucchesini, his wife Anna, and their two-year-old daughter, cannot understand Polish government’s attitude. Which contrary to the Israeli government, is not able to ensure the safety of its citizens. Safety is not the only thing among the pair’s priorities, but also peace and quietness. They are however being woken up every morning by the loud noises of engines, of the Polish coach-buses with groups of Israeli youth. Their Polish drivers brake driving regulations all the time. They’re allowed to park at the square near the synagogue (in front of Robert’s house) only for up to 10 minutes. They stay there much longer, even hours. With their engines turned on. Reason? Youth’s safety - they would be able to leave quicker in case of a threat. And because Israeli kids need to be served coffee. Because even though Kazimierz is full of cafes, Israeli teenagers don’t go there. They are being told: no contacts with environment, no talking to passers-by, no smiles nor gestures.
This has been going for years. Israeli groups contact with Poles only there where they have to. First in airplanes.
Slapped stewardess
- ‘A plane after such group has landed, looks like a battle field’ - admits a worker of LOT Polish Airlines asking for his name not to be published. - ‘The worst thing is these kids’ attitude to Polish staff. Recently a stewardess was slapped by a teenager in her face. Because he had been waiting for his coca-cola too long’.
Leszek Chorzewski, LOT spokesman, admits that Israeli youth is a difficult customer. - ‘They demand not only more attention then other passengers, but also more security precautions’ - he adds. These precautions are long aircraft and airport controls conducted by Israeli services. These are also the high demands of the teenagers’ security agents.
Katarzyna Łazuga, student from Poznań, could see that first hand. She participated in a tourist guides’ training on one of Polish airports. ‘Young people from Israel entered the room we were in’, she recalls. - ‘Our group was then made to stop classes and rushed out of the room. Israeli security officers told us to go out, right now and without any talking. Because… we were “staring” at their clients. Yes, we were looking at them. They were catching attention, they were good looking.’
Young Israelis see Poles also there, where they board - in Polish hotels. If any of them still wants to have them. Most of those in Kraków don’t want to any more.
- ‘We have resigned from admitting Israeli youth once and for all’ - admits Agnieszka Tomczyk, assistant manageress in a chain of hotels called System. ‘We could not afford to refund the loses after their stays any more’.
Shiting in beds
These loses being: demolished rooms, broken chairs and tables, human excrements in washbasins or trash bins, or like in Astoria, other hotel in Kraków, burned carpet. Astoria also backs out from having Israeli groups. One of the reasons is that the teenagers’ security agents were ordering other guests, whom they didn’t like, to leave.
- ‘I understand that Israeli security agents are over-sensitive to any disturbing signals. They are coming from a country where bombs explode almost daily, and young people die in terrorist attacks’ - ensures Mike Urbaniak. - ‘But Poland is one of the safest countries in Europe. Here, excluding tiny number of incidents, Jews are not being attacked, and Jewish institutions don’t need security, which is very unusual on a world scale’.
Huge business
Chasidim, travelling in great numbers from Israel, also (surprisingly) don’t need security agents. Including for example many Orthodox Jews, who came to visit our country recently, as they wanted to pray at Tzadik of Lelów’s grave. They came to the market square in Kazimierz without any security assistance and without any fear.
- ‘They chatted eagerly with tourists interested in their outfits, with passers-by who don’t see Jews with side curls every day’ - adds Urbaniak.
In Kazimierz chasidim are nothing unusual. Like groups of Israeli teenagers. This year 30,000 Israeli teenagers are coming to Poland, and they will have 800 security agents to protect them.
Roberto Lucchesini reported to the Polish police that he got beaten by Israeli security. Krakow Prosecution Office is investigating the case, and so is its counterpart in Israel.
- ‘Results of this investigation are of medium importance’ - thinks Ilona Dworak-Cousin. - ‘What matters is if the youth that visits Poland, will still treat it as hostile and completely alien country’.
Polish-Israeli Friendship Association in Israel and Cracovians Association in Israel both try to convince the government of their country, not to send any more teenagers to see only the death camps in Poland. Chances are slim.
- ‘These trips are mostly a huge business for people who organise them’ - says Lili Haber - ‘including Israeli bodyguards’.
Thursday, June 19, 2008
Polish émigré 5 years since entering U.S., he gets into 7 Ivy Leagues
Polish émigré 5 years since entering U.S., he gets into 7 Ivy Leagues
By Bob Considine
TODAYShow.com contributor
Polish émigré 5 years since entering U.S., he gets into 7 Ivy Leagues
Polish émigré couldn’t speak English; now he’s admitted to 17 top schools
By Bob Considine
TODAYShow.com contributor
updated 9:05 a.m. ET, Wed., June. 18, 2008
Lukasz Zbylut has taken “the old college try” to a whole new level.
The New York teenager, who emigrated from Poland only five years ago, applied to seven Ivy League schools — and was accepted by every one of them.
Now he’s thrilled to further his education at his “dream school” of choice — Harvard. What, Yale wasn’t good enough for him? How about Princeton?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
“I do feel sorry, and I feel awful for turning down such great institutions,” Zbylut told TODAY co-hosts Matt Lauer and Meredith Vieira. “But it’s Harvard.”
Among the other schools he declined were Columbia, Dartmouth, Penn, Cornell, Georgetown, Stanford and New York University.
There were 10 other prominent schools that also accepted the ever-smiling 18-year-old. But he knew he could only pick one.
“It’s a great feeling to have,” Zbylut added. “And it’s very exciting — and confusing, to an extent.”
A class act
Lukasz Zbylut (pronounced Loo-KASH Zbeh-LOOT) was in seventh grade when he came to the United States. At that point, he admits, he had only a limited grasp of the English language.
“It’s quite amazing that the first words you learn in any language are the curses,” Zbylut said with a laugh. “It’s ‘thank you’ and the curses. Someone should study that at some point. But I’ve come a long way since then.”
Zbylut said the transition to attending school in the U.S. was “easier than expected.”
“Schools in Poland are very rigorous, as you can imagine,” he said. “When taking my first exam, I was constantly turning to the girl next to me because in Poland, [testing] is very collaborative. Here, it’s the opposite.”
In addition to holding such high grades, Zbylut is co-captain of his school’s United Nations team; founder of its debate team; president of its mock-trial team and editor of the school newspaper. And, just for kicks, he plays soccer.
With such credentials, Lauer asked, why did Zbylut apply to so many schools when he knew he’d be accepted to so many of them?
“That isn’t really true, especially the last decade,” Zbylut explained. “[It’s] very competitive. We’re into the single digits when it comes to acceptance rates.
“I thought of myself as a great candidate, but I was never certain of getting into a single one college.”
Zbylut plans to study politics, law and philosophy at Harvard. But there was one school that actually did turn him down — the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Zbylut said he didn’t mind the snub.
“I really don’t regret it, because I would never be as passionate as a student they potentially could have given the spot to,” he said. “I’m hoping that the spot they gave would have been to someone who is very passionate about politics and everything.”
By Bob Considine
TODAYShow.com contributor
Polish émigré 5 years since entering U.S., he gets into 7 Ivy Leagues
Polish émigré couldn’t speak English; now he’s admitted to 17 top schools
By Bob Considine
TODAYShow.com contributor
updated 9:05 a.m. ET, Wed., June. 18, 2008
Lukasz Zbylut has taken “the old college try” to a whole new level.
The New York teenager, who emigrated from Poland only five years ago, applied to seven Ivy League schools — and was accepted by every one of them.
Now he’s thrilled to further his education at his “dream school” of choice — Harvard. What, Yale wasn’t good enough for him? How about Princeton?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
“I do feel sorry, and I feel awful for turning down such great institutions,” Zbylut told TODAY co-hosts Matt Lauer and Meredith Vieira. “But it’s Harvard.”
Among the other schools he declined were Columbia, Dartmouth, Penn, Cornell, Georgetown, Stanford and New York University.
There were 10 other prominent schools that also accepted the ever-smiling 18-year-old. But he knew he could only pick one.
“It’s a great feeling to have,” Zbylut added. “And it’s very exciting — and confusing, to an extent.”
A class act
Lukasz Zbylut (pronounced Loo-KASH Zbeh-LOOT) was in seventh grade when he came to the United States. At that point, he admits, he had only a limited grasp of the English language.
“It’s quite amazing that the first words you learn in any language are the curses,” Zbylut said with a laugh. “It’s ‘thank you’ and the curses. Someone should study that at some point. But I’ve come a long way since then.”
Zbylut said the transition to attending school in the U.S. was “easier than expected.”
“Schools in Poland are very rigorous, as you can imagine,” he said. “When taking my first exam, I was constantly turning to the girl next to me because in Poland, [testing] is very collaborative. Here, it’s the opposite.”
In addition to holding such high grades, Zbylut is co-captain of his school’s United Nations team; founder of its debate team; president of its mock-trial team and editor of the school newspaper. And, just for kicks, he plays soccer.
With such credentials, Lauer asked, why did Zbylut apply to so many schools when he knew he’d be accepted to so many of them?
“That isn’t really true, especially the last decade,” Zbylut explained. “[It’s] very competitive. We’re into the single digits when it comes to acceptance rates.
“I thought of myself as a great candidate, but I was never certain of getting into a single one college.”
Zbylut plans to study politics, law and philosophy at Harvard. But there was one school that actually did turn him down — the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.
Zbylut said he didn’t mind the snub.
“I really don’t regret it, because I would never be as passionate as a student they potentially could have given the spot to,” he said. “I’m hoping that the spot they gave would have been to someone who is very passionate about politics and everything.”
Wednesday, June 18, 2008
Monday, June 16, 2008
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Shocked in Death, Shocked in Life: More than a Taser Story
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Shocked in Death, Shocked in Life: More than a Taser Story
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Cap 1
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Cap 2
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Cap 3
Naomi Klein on the privatization of the state
Milton Friedman Debates Naomi Klein Part 2
Naomi Klein wychowała się w rodzinie silnie zaangażowanej społecznie i politycznie. Jej dziadek działał w ruchu związków zawodowych w wytwórni filmowej Disney. Jej ojciec, Michael Klein, był fizykiem zaangażowanym w protesty społeczne przeciwko wojnie wietnamskiej. Gdy Naomi Klein miała 6 lat, przeprowadził się wraz z rodziną do Kanady, kontynuując działalność społeczną. Jej matka, Bonnie Klein, jest znana głównie jako twórczyni filmu Not a Love Story, będącego krytyką zjawiska pornografii. Jej brat, Seth Klein jest działaczem określanej jako lewicowa organizacji Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives.
Działalność [edytuj]
Kariera dziennikarska Naomi Klein rozpoczęła się od współpracy z gazetą studencką wydawaną na Uniwersytecie Toronto, The Varsity. Po masakrze w Montrealu, gdy szaleniec zabił 14 kobiet, jej poglądy zbliżyły się do feminizmu.
W 2000, po czteroletniej pracy, wydała No Logo, książkę, która jest uznawana za manifest lub wręcz biblię ruchów alterglobalistycznych i antyglobalistycznych. Klein opisuje w książce negatywny wpływ strategii marketingowych zorientowanych na markę wywierany na życie społeczeństw krajów rozwiniętych oraz działania korporacji w krajach biednych, przyczyniające się do ich dalszego zubożenia. Symbolem obu tych zjawisk stała się korporacja Nike.
W 2002 roku wydała książkę Fences and Windows, będącą zbiorem artykułów i wykładów na temat globalizacji, działań międzynarodowych korporacji i organizacji oraz sytuacji w krajach biednych. Jej artykuły ukazywały się lub ukazują na łamach takich czasopism jak The Nation, In These Times, The Globe and Mail, This Magazine oraz The Guardian. Porusza w nich sprawy omawiane w obu książkach, jak również odnosi się do bieżących wydarzeń, np. Wojny w Iraku.
W 2004 roku, wraz z mężem zrealizowała film dokumentalny The Take, pokazujący społeczność pozbawionych pracy robotników przemysłu samochodowego z Argentyny, którzy zajęli zamkniętą fabrykę, domagając się jej ponownego otwarcia i wznowienia produkcji.
Naomi Klein pracowała także jako adiunkt na London School of Economics, obecnie jest współpracownikiem The Nation Institute।
Shocked in Death, Shocked in Life: More than a Taser Story
By Naomi Klein - November 21st, 2007
The world saw a video last week of Royal Canadian Mounted Police officers using a Taser against a Polish man in the Vancouver International Airport in October. The man, Robert Dziekanski, died soon after the attack. In recent days, more details have come out about him. It turns out that the 40-year-old didn't just die after being shocked -- his life was marked by shock as well.Dziekanski was a young adult in 1989, when Poland began a grand experiment called "shock therapy" for the nation. The promise was that if the communist country accepted a series of brutal economic measures, the reward would be a "normal European country" like France or Germany. The pain would be short, the reward great.So Poland's government eliminated price controls overnight, slashed subsidies, privatized industries. But for young workers such as Dziekanski, "normal" never arrived. Today, roughly 40% of young Polish workers are unemployed. Dziekanski was among them. He had worked as a typesetter and a miner, but for the last few years, he had been unemployed and had had run-ins with the law.Like so many Poles of his generation, Dziekanski went looking for work in one of those "normal" countries that Poland was supposed to become but never did. Two million Poles have joined this mass exodus during the last three years alone. Dziekanski's cohorts have gone to work as bartenders in London, doormen in Dublin, plumbers in France. Last month, he chose to follow his mother to British Columbia, Canada, which is in a pre-Olympics construction boom. "After seven years of waiting, [Dziekanski] arrived to his utopia, Vancouver," said the Polish consul general, Maciej Krych. "Ten hours later, he was dead."Much of the outrage sparked by the video, which was made by another passenger at the airport, has focused on the controversial use of Tasers, already implicated in 17 deaths in Canada and many more in the United States. But what happened in Vancouver was about more than a weapon. It was also about an increasingly brutal side of the global economy -- about the reality that many victims of various forms of economic "shock therapy" face at our borders. Rapid economic transformations like Poland's have created enormous wealth -- in new investment opportunities; currency trading; in leaner, meaner companies able to comb the globe for the cheapest location to manufacture. But from Mexico to China to Poland, they also have created tens of millions of discarded people, the people who lose their jobs when factories close or lose their land when export zones open.Understandably, many of these people often choose to move: from countryside to city, from country to country. As Dziekanski appeared to be doing, they go in search of that elusive "normal." But there isn't enough normal to go around, or so we are told. And so, as migrants move, they are often met with other shocks, like a treacherous razor fence or a Taser gun. Canada, which used to be known around the world for its openness to refugees, is militarizing its borders, with lines between immigrant and terrorist blurring fast.Dziekanski's inhuman treatment at the hands of the Canadian police must be seen in this context. The police were called when Dziekanski, lost and disoriented, began shouting in Polish, at one point throwing a chair. Faced with a foreigner like Dziekanski, who spoke no English, why talk when you can shock? It strikes me that the same brutal, short-cut logic guided Poland's economic transition to capitalism: Why take the gradual route, which required debate and consent, when "shock therapy" promised an instant, if painful, cure?I realize that I am talking about very different kinds of shocks here, but they do interconnect in a cycle I call "the shock doctrine." First comes the shock of a national crisis, making countries desperate for any cure and willing to sacrifice democracy in the process. In Poland in 1989, that first shock was the sudden end of communism and the economic meltdown. Then comes the economic shock therapy, the undemocratic process pushed through in the window of crisis that jolts an economy into growth but blasts so many people out of the picture. Then, in far too many cases, there is the third shock, the one that disciplines and deals with the discarded people: the desperate, the migrants, those driven mad by the system.Each shock has the potential to kill, some more suddenly than others. Naomi Klein is the author of The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism.
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Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Cap 1
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Cap 2
Naomi Klein en Argentina 25/04/08- Cap 3
Naomi Klein on the privatization of the state
Milton Friedman Debates Naomi Klein Part 2
Naomi Klein wychowała się w rodzinie silnie zaangażowanej społecznie i politycznie. Jej dziadek działał w ruchu związków zawodowych w wytwórni filmowej Disney. Jej ojciec, Michael Klein, był fizykiem zaangażowanym w protesty społeczne przeciwko wojnie wietnamskiej. Gdy Naomi Klein miała 6 lat, przeprowadził się wraz z rodziną do Kanady, kontynuując działalność społeczną. Jej matka, Bonnie Klein, jest znana głównie jako twórczyni filmu Not a Love Story, będącego krytyką zjawiska pornografii. Jej brat, Seth Klein jest działaczem określanej jako lewicowa organizacji Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives.
Działalność [edytuj]
Kariera dziennikarska Naomi Klein rozpoczęła się od współpracy z gazetą studencką wydawaną na Uniwersytecie Toronto, The Varsity. Po masakrze w Montrealu, gdy szaleniec zabił 14 kobiet, jej poglądy zbliżyły się do feminizmu.
W 2000, po czteroletniej pracy, wydała No Logo, książkę, która jest uznawana za manifest lub wręcz biblię ruchów alterglobalistycznych i antyglobalistycznych. Klein opisuje w książce negatywny wpływ strategii marketingowych zorientowanych na markę wywierany na życie społeczeństw krajów rozwiniętych oraz działania korporacji w krajach biednych, przyczyniające się do ich dalszego zubożenia. Symbolem obu tych zjawisk stała się korporacja Nike.
W 2002 roku wydała książkę Fences and Windows, będącą zbiorem artykułów i wykładów na temat globalizacji, działań międzynarodowych korporacji i organizacji oraz sytuacji w krajach biednych. Jej artykuły ukazywały się lub ukazują na łamach takich czasopism jak The Nation, In These Times, The Globe and Mail, This Magazine oraz The Guardian. Porusza w nich sprawy omawiane w obu książkach, jak również odnosi się do bieżących wydarzeń, np. Wojny w Iraku.
W 2004 roku, wraz z mężem zrealizowała film dokumentalny The Take, pokazujący społeczność pozbawionych pracy robotników przemysłu samochodowego z Argentyny, którzy zajęli zamkniętą fabrykę, domagając się jej ponownego otwarcia i wznowienia produkcji.
Naomi Klein pracowała także jako adiunkt na London School of Economics, obecnie jest współpracownikiem The Nation Institute।
Shocked in Death, Shocked in Life: More than a Taser Story
By Naomi Klein - November 21st, 2007
The world saw a video last week of Royal Canadian Mounted Police officers using a Taser against a Polish man in the Vancouver International Airport in October. The man, Robert Dziekanski, died soon after the attack. In recent days, more details have come out about him. It turns out that the 40-year-old didn't just die after being shocked -- his life was marked by shock as well.Dziekanski was a young adult in 1989, when Poland began a grand experiment called "shock therapy" for the nation. The promise was that if the communist country accepted a series of brutal economic measures, the reward would be a "normal European country" like France or Germany. The pain would be short, the reward great.So Poland's government eliminated price controls overnight, slashed subsidies, privatized industries. But for young workers such as Dziekanski, "normal" never arrived. Today, roughly 40% of young Polish workers are unemployed. Dziekanski was among them. He had worked as a typesetter and a miner, but for the last few years, he had been unemployed and had had run-ins with the law.Like so many Poles of his generation, Dziekanski went looking for work in one of those "normal" countries that Poland was supposed to become but never did. Two million Poles have joined this mass exodus during the last three years alone. Dziekanski's cohorts have gone to work as bartenders in London, doormen in Dublin, plumbers in France. Last month, he chose to follow his mother to British Columbia, Canada, which is in a pre-Olympics construction boom. "After seven years of waiting, [Dziekanski] arrived to his utopia, Vancouver," said the Polish consul general, Maciej Krych. "Ten hours later, he was dead."Much of the outrage sparked by the video, which was made by another passenger at the airport, has focused on the controversial use of Tasers, already implicated in 17 deaths in Canada and many more in the United States. But what happened in Vancouver was about more than a weapon. It was also about an increasingly brutal side of the global economy -- about the reality that many victims of various forms of economic "shock therapy" face at our borders. Rapid economic transformations like Poland's have created enormous wealth -- in new investment opportunities; currency trading; in leaner, meaner companies able to comb the globe for the cheapest location to manufacture. But from Mexico to China to Poland, they also have created tens of millions of discarded people, the people who lose their jobs when factories close or lose their land when export zones open.Understandably, many of these people often choose to move: from countryside to city, from country to country. As Dziekanski appeared to be doing, they go in search of that elusive "normal." But there isn't enough normal to go around, or so we are told. And so, as migrants move, they are often met with other shocks, like a treacherous razor fence or a Taser gun. Canada, which used to be known around the world for its openness to refugees, is militarizing its borders, with lines between immigrant and terrorist blurring fast.Dziekanski's inhuman treatment at the hands of the Canadian police must be seen in this context. The police were called when Dziekanski, lost and disoriented, began shouting in Polish, at one point throwing a chair. Faced with a foreigner like Dziekanski, who spoke no English, why talk when you can shock? It strikes me that the same brutal, short-cut logic guided Poland's economic transition to capitalism: Why take the gradual route, which required debate and consent, when "shock therapy" promised an instant, if painful, cure?I realize that I am talking about very different kinds of shocks here, but they do interconnect in a cycle I call "the shock doctrine." First comes the shock of a national crisis, making countries desperate for any cure and willing to sacrifice democracy in the process. In Poland in 1989, that first shock was the sudden end of communism and the economic meltdown. Then comes the economic shock therapy, the undemocratic process pushed through in the window of crisis that jolts an economy into growth but blasts so many people out of the picture. Then, in far too many cases, there is the third shock, the one that disciplines and deals with the discarded people: the desperate, the migrants, those driven mad by the system.Each shock has the potential to kill, some more suddenly than others. Naomi Klein is the author of The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Disaster Capitalism.
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Polska wobec wyzwań współczesności: prof. dr hab Jerzy Robert Nowak Prof. Wolniewicz
Polska wobec wyzwań współczesności: prof. dr hab Jerzy Robert Nowak Prof. Wolniewicz
Polska wobec wyzwań współczesności: prof. dr hab Jerzy Robert Nowak
(2008-06-15)
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(2008-06-15)
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Polska wobec wyzwań współczesności: prof.dr hab. Bogusław Wolniewicz (czyt. dr Kawęcki)
(2008-06-15)
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Polska wobec wyzwań współczesności: prof.dr hab. Andrzej Nowak
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Polska wobec wyzwań współczesności: prof. dr hab. Rafał Broda
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Thursday, June 5, 2008
"Myśląc Ojczyzna" prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński
"Myśląc Ojczyzna" prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński
"Myśląc Ojczyzna"
prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński (2008-06-03)
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Władysław Konopczyński, pseud. Dantyszek, Korzonek (ur. 26 listopada 1880 w Warszawie, zm. 12 lipca 1952 w Młyniku koło Ojcowa), historyk polski, profesor Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, członek Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego i Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności, współtwórca i pierwszy redaktor naczelny Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego.
Był synem Ignacego (inżyniera komunikacji, uczestnika powstania styczniowego) i Ludwiki z Obrąpalskich, bratankiem Emiliana (pedagoga, dyrektora IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie). Szwagrem Władysława Konopczyńskiego został prawnik, profesor Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego Karol Lutostański.
Uczęszczał do Gimnazjum W. Górskiego i IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie (1891-1899), działając aktywnie w młodzieżowych kółkach politycznych i samokształceniowych. Studiował prawo na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim (1899-1904, kończąc studia ze stopniem kandydata nauk prawnych i politycznych na podstawie pracy Przyczynki do kwestyi powstania liberi veto) oraz historię na Uniwersytecie Lwowskim (1907-1908, 1908 doktorat pod kierunkiem Szymona Askenazego). Był nauczycielem historii w IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie, wykładał także w Towarzystwie Kursów Naukowych tamże. Na podstawie pracy Polska w dobie wojny siedmioletniej (przygotowanej pod kierunkiem Wacława Tokarza) habilitował się w 1911 na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim.
W 1913 został docentem w Katedrze Historii Powszechnej Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego; lata 1914-1916 spędził w Szwecji. W 1917 mianowany profesorem nadzwyczajnym i kierownikiem Katedry Historii Polski Nowożytnej i Najnowszej, profesorem zwyczajnym został w 1921. W 1939 objął funkcję dziekana Wydziału Filozoficznego, zachowując ją formalnie przez cały okres wojny. Znalazł się w gronie pracowników Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, zatrzymanych w ramach Sonderaktion Krakau; był więziony w Krakowie, Wrocławiu i obozie koncentracyjnym Sachsenhausen, gdzie organizował wykłady i dyskusje naukowe. Po zwolnieniu w lutym 1940 brał udział w tajnym nauczaniu, wykładając historię nowożytną na Tajnym Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim. Po wojnie powrócił do pracy na uniwersytecie; w 1948, oskarżany o publikacje "szowinistycznie obciążone" i przepojone "furią rasistowską", został zmuszony do rezygnacji z pracy. Ostatnie lata życia spędził w posiadłości w Młyniku, chorując na niewydolność serca.
W 1908 został członkiem rzeczywistym, a w 1929 członkiem czynnym Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego; w latach 1925-1926 wchodził w skład Zarządu towarzystwa. W 1922 został członkiem-korespondentem, w 1933 członkiem czynnym Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności. Pełnił funkcję sekretarza (1917-1921), później przewodniczącego (1945-1949) Komisji Historycznej PAU, w latach 1931-1949 przewodniczył Komitetowi Redakcyjnemu Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego, wydawanego przez PAU. Należał również do Towarzystwa Historycznego we Lwowie (1913 członek-założyciel Oddziału Krakowskiego), Polskiego Towarzystwa Historycznego (1946-1952 przewodniczący Oddziału Krakowskiego, 1947 prezes Zarządu Głównego), Towarzystwa Naukowego w Toruniu, Związku Inteligencji Polskiej, Szwedzkiej Akademii Literatury, Historii i Archeologii, Towarzystwa Naukowego w Lund, Królewskiego Towarzystwa dla Wydawania Źródeł do Dziejów Skandynawii w Sztokholmie, Towarzystwa Żeglugi Polskiej.
Był także aktywny politycznie. W 1918 był członkiem Organizacji Narodowej, w latach 1922-1927 pełnił mandat poselski z ramienia Związku Ludowo-Narodowego. Krytykował politykę Józefa Piłsudskiego (m.in. na łamach "Trybuny Narodu"). W czasie wojny polsko-bolszewickiej był instruktorem artylerii. Został odznaczony m.in. Krzyżem Oficerskim szwedzkiego Orderu Gwiazdy Polarnej oraz Krzyżem Oficerskim francuskiej Legii Honorowej.
Zainteresowania naukowe Władysława Konopczyńskiego obejmowały historię Polski XVI i XVII wieku, historię państwa i prawa polskiego, historię parlamentaryzmu europejskiego, edytorstwo i biografistykę. Jest uważany za współtwórcę (obok Wacława Sobieskiego) tzw. nowej historycznej szkoły krakowskiej. Prowadził wieloletnie badania archiwalne (w Wiedniu, Dreźnie, Paryżu, Londynie. Kopenhadze, Berlinie), gromadząc liczne materiały do dziejów politycznych Polski w połowie XVIII wieku. Badał genezę i znaczenie konfederacji barskiej. Zainicjował prace nad utworzeniem polskiego ośrodka dokumentacyjno-informacyjnego. Przygotował do wydania m.in. Dyaryusze sejmowe z wieku XVIII (1911-1937, 3 tomy), Pamiętniki Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego (1915, ze Stanisławem Ptaszyckim), Materiały do dziejów wojny konfederackiej 1768-1774r. (1931), Reforma elekcji czy naprawa Rzeczypospolitej (1949, wybór tekstów politycznych z XVIII wieku). Współpracował z Wielką Encyklopedią Powszechną Ilustrowaną (1902-1914), "Biblioteką Warszawską", "Gazetą Polską", "Kwartalnikiem Historycznym", "Przeglądem Historycznym", "Przeglądem Polskim".
W 1921 zgłosił projekt wydania Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego. Po dziesięciu latach idea doczekała się realizacji i Konopczyński został pierwszym redaktorem naczelnym wydawnictwa (1931), publikując do wybuchu wojny cztery tomy (do początku litery "D"); po przerwie wojennej słownik wznowiono i pod redakcją Konopczyńskiego ukazały się kolejne dwa tomy (do połowy litery "F"). W 1948, wraz z przymusową emeryturą redaktora, nastąpiła kolejna przerwa w wydawaniu; tom VII ukazał się już po śmierci Konopczyńskiego w 1958. W gronie studentów Konopczyńskiego byli przyszli redaktorzy Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego - Kazimierz Lepszy i Emanuel Rostworowski, a także m.in. Józef Feldman.
"Myśląc Ojczyzna"
prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński (2008-06-03)
Felieton
słuchajzapisz
Władysław Konopczyński, pseud. Dantyszek, Korzonek (ur. 26 listopada 1880 w Warszawie, zm. 12 lipca 1952 w Młyniku koło Ojcowa), historyk polski, profesor Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, członek Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego i Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności, współtwórca i pierwszy redaktor naczelny Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego.
Był synem Ignacego (inżyniera komunikacji, uczestnika powstania styczniowego) i Ludwiki z Obrąpalskich, bratankiem Emiliana (pedagoga, dyrektora IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie). Szwagrem Władysława Konopczyńskiego został prawnik, profesor Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego Karol Lutostański.
Uczęszczał do Gimnazjum W. Górskiego i IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie (1891-1899), działając aktywnie w młodzieżowych kółkach politycznych i samokształceniowych. Studiował prawo na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim (1899-1904, kończąc studia ze stopniem kandydata nauk prawnych i politycznych na podstawie pracy Przyczynki do kwestyi powstania liberi veto) oraz historię na Uniwersytecie Lwowskim (1907-1908, 1908 doktorat pod kierunkiem Szymona Askenazego). Był nauczycielem historii w IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie, wykładał także w Towarzystwie Kursów Naukowych tamże. Na podstawie pracy Polska w dobie wojny siedmioletniej (przygotowanej pod kierunkiem Wacława Tokarza) habilitował się w 1911 na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim.
W 1913 został docentem w Katedrze Historii Powszechnej Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego; lata 1914-1916 spędził w Szwecji. W 1917 mianowany profesorem nadzwyczajnym i kierownikiem Katedry Historii Polski Nowożytnej i Najnowszej, profesorem zwyczajnym został w 1921. W 1939 objął funkcję dziekana Wydziału Filozoficznego, zachowując ją formalnie przez cały okres wojny. Znalazł się w gronie pracowników Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, zatrzymanych w ramach Sonderaktion Krakau; był więziony w Krakowie, Wrocławiu i obozie koncentracyjnym Sachsenhausen, gdzie organizował wykłady i dyskusje naukowe. Po zwolnieniu w lutym 1940 brał udział w tajnym nauczaniu, wykładając historię nowożytną na Tajnym Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim. Po wojnie powrócił do pracy na uniwersytecie; w 1948, oskarżany o publikacje "szowinistycznie obciążone" i przepojone "furią rasistowską", został zmuszony do rezygnacji z pracy. Ostatnie lata życia spędził w posiadłości w Młyniku, chorując na niewydolność serca.
W 1908 został członkiem rzeczywistym, a w 1929 członkiem czynnym Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego; w latach 1925-1926 wchodził w skład Zarządu towarzystwa. W 1922 został członkiem-korespondentem, w 1933 członkiem czynnym Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności. Pełnił funkcję sekretarza (1917-1921), później przewodniczącego (1945-1949) Komisji Historycznej PAU, w latach 1931-1949 przewodniczył Komitetowi Redakcyjnemu Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego, wydawanego przez PAU. Należał również do Towarzystwa Historycznego we Lwowie (1913 członek-założyciel Oddziału Krakowskiego), Polskiego Towarzystwa Historycznego (1946-1952 przewodniczący Oddziału Krakowskiego, 1947 prezes Zarządu Głównego), Towarzystwa Naukowego w Toruniu, Związku Inteligencji Polskiej, Szwedzkiej Akademii Literatury, Historii i Archeologii, Towarzystwa Naukowego w Lund, Królewskiego Towarzystwa dla Wydawania Źródeł do Dziejów Skandynawii w Sztokholmie, Towarzystwa Żeglugi Polskiej.
Był także aktywny politycznie. W 1918 był członkiem Organizacji Narodowej, w latach 1922-1927 pełnił mandat poselski z ramienia Związku Ludowo-Narodowego. Krytykował politykę Józefa Piłsudskiego (m.in. na łamach "Trybuny Narodu"). W czasie wojny polsko-bolszewickiej był instruktorem artylerii. Został odznaczony m.in. Krzyżem Oficerskim szwedzkiego Orderu Gwiazdy Polarnej oraz Krzyżem Oficerskim francuskiej Legii Honorowej.
Zainteresowania naukowe Władysława Konopczyńskiego obejmowały historię Polski XVI i XVII wieku, historię państwa i prawa polskiego, historię parlamentaryzmu europejskiego, edytorstwo i biografistykę. Jest uważany za współtwórcę (obok Wacława Sobieskiego) tzw. nowej historycznej szkoły krakowskiej. Prowadził wieloletnie badania archiwalne (w Wiedniu, Dreźnie, Paryżu, Londynie. Kopenhadze, Berlinie), gromadząc liczne materiały do dziejów politycznych Polski w połowie XVIII wieku. Badał genezę i znaczenie konfederacji barskiej. Zainicjował prace nad utworzeniem polskiego ośrodka dokumentacyjno-informacyjnego. Przygotował do wydania m.in. Dyaryusze sejmowe z wieku XVIII (1911-1937, 3 tomy), Pamiętniki Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego (1915, ze Stanisławem Ptaszyckim), Materiały do dziejów wojny konfederackiej 1768-1774r. (1931), Reforma elekcji czy naprawa Rzeczypospolitej (1949, wybór tekstów politycznych z XVIII wieku). Współpracował z Wielką Encyklopedią Powszechną Ilustrowaną (1902-1914), "Biblioteką Warszawską", "Gazetą Polską", "Kwartalnikiem Historycznym", "Przeglądem Historycznym", "Przeglądem Polskim".
W 1921 zgłosił projekt wydania Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego. Po dziesięciu latach idea doczekała się realizacji i Konopczyński został pierwszym redaktorem naczelnym wydawnictwa (1931), publikując do wybuchu wojny cztery tomy (do początku litery "D"); po przerwie wojennej słownik wznowiono i pod redakcją Konopczyńskiego ukazały się kolejne dwa tomy (do połowy litery "F"). W 1948, wraz z przymusową emeryturą redaktora, nastąpiła kolejna przerwa w wydawaniu; tom VII ukazał się już po śmierci Konopczyńskiego w 1958. W gronie studentów Konopczyńskiego byli przyszli redaktorzy Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego - Kazimierz Lepszy i Emanuel Rostworowski, a także m.in. Józef Feldman.
"Myśląc Ojczyzna" prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński
"Myśląc Ojczyzna" prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński
"Myśląc Ojczyzna"
prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński (2008-06-03)
Felieton
słuchajzapisz
Władysław Konopczyński, pseud. Dantyszek, Korzonek (ur. 26 listopada 1880 w Warszawie, zm. 12 lipca 1952 w Młyniku koło Ojcowa), historyk polski, profesor Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, członek Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego i Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności, współtwórca i pierwszy redaktor naczelny Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego.
Był synem Ignacego (inżyniera komunikacji, uczestnika powstania styczniowego) i Ludwiki z Obrąpalskich, bratankiem Emiliana (pedagoga, dyrektora IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie). Szwagrem Władysława Konopczyńskiego został prawnik, profesor Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego Karol Lutostański.
Uczęszczał do Gimnazjum W. Górskiego i IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie (1891-1899), działając aktywnie w młodzieżowych kółkach politycznych i samokształceniowych. Studiował prawo na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim (1899-1904, kończąc studia ze stopniem kandydata nauk prawnych i politycznych na podstawie pracy Przyczynki do kwestyi powstania liberi veto) oraz historię na Uniwersytecie Lwowskim (1907-1908, 1908 doktorat pod kierunkiem Szymona Askenazego). Był nauczycielem historii w IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie, wykładał także w Towarzystwie Kursów Naukowych tamże. Na podstawie pracy Polska w dobie wojny siedmioletniej (przygotowanej pod kierunkiem Wacława Tokarza) habilitował się w 1911 na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim.
W 1913 został docentem w Katedrze Historii Powszechnej Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego; lata 1914-1916 spędził w Szwecji. W 1917 mianowany profesorem nadzwyczajnym i kierownikiem Katedry Historii Polski Nowożytnej i Najnowszej, profesorem zwyczajnym został w 1921. W 1939 objął funkcję dziekana Wydziału Filozoficznego, zachowując ją formalnie przez cały okres wojny. Znalazł się w gronie pracowników Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, zatrzymanych w ramach Sonderaktion Krakau; był więziony w Krakowie, Wrocławiu i obozie koncentracyjnym Sachsenhausen, gdzie organizował wykłady i dyskusje naukowe. Po zwolnieniu w lutym 1940 brał udział w tajnym nauczaniu, wykładając historię nowożytną na Tajnym Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim. Po wojnie powrócił do pracy na uniwersytecie; w 1948, oskarżany o publikacje "szowinistycznie obciążone" i przepojone "furią rasistowską", został zmuszony do rezygnacji z pracy. Ostatnie lata życia spędził w posiadłości w Młyniku, chorując na niewydolność serca.
W 1908 został członkiem rzeczywistym, a w 1929 członkiem czynnym Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego; w latach 1925-1926 wchodził w skład Zarządu towarzystwa. W 1922 został członkiem-korespondentem, w 1933 członkiem czynnym Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności. Pełnił funkcję sekretarza (1917-1921), później przewodniczącego (1945-1949) Komisji Historycznej PAU, w latach 1931-1949 przewodniczył Komitetowi Redakcyjnemu Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego, wydawanego przez PAU. Należał również do Towarzystwa Historycznego we Lwowie (1913 członek-założyciel Oddziału Krakowskiego), Polskiego Towarzystwa Historycznego (1946-1952 przewodniczący Oddziału Krakowskiego, 1947 prezes Zarządu Głównego), Towarzystwa Naukowego w Toruniu, Związku Inteligencji Polskiej, Szwedzkiej Akademii Literatury, Historii i Archeologii, Towarzystwa Naukowego w Lund, Królewskiego Towarzystwa dla Wydawania Źródeł do Dziejów Skandynawii w Sztokholmie, Towarzystwa Żeglugi Polskiej.
Był także aktywny politycznie. W 1918 był członkiem Organizacji Narodowej, w latach 1922-1927 pełnił mandat poselski z ramienia Związku Ludowo-Narodowego. Krytykował politykę Józefa Piłsudskiego (m.in. na łamach "Trybuny Narodu"). W czasie wojny polsko-bolszewickiej był instruktorem artylerii. Został odznaczony m.in. Krzyżem Oficerskim szwedzkiego Orderu Gwiazdy Polarnej oraz Krzyżem Oficerskim francuskiej Legii Honorowej.
Zainteresowania naukowe Władysława Konopczyńskiego obejmowały historię Polski XVI i XVII wieku, historię państwa i prawa polskiego, historię parlamentaryzmu europejskiego, edytorstwo i biografistykę. Jest uważany za współtwórcę (obok Wacława Sobieskiego) tzw. nowej historycznej szkoły krakowskiej. Prowadził wieloletnie badania archiwalne (w Wiedniu, Dreźnie, Paryżu, Londynie. Kopenhadze, Berlinie), gromadząc liczne materiały do dziejów politycznych Polski w połowie XVIII wieku. Badał genezę i znaczenie konfederacji barskiej. Zainicjował prace nad utworzeniem polskiego ośrodka dokumentacyjno-informacyjnego. Przygotował do wydania m.in. Dyaryusze sejmowe z wieku XVIII (1911-1937, 3 tomy), Pamiętniki Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego (1915, ze Stanisławem Ptaszyckim), Materiały do dziejów wojny konfederackiej 1768-1774r. (1931), Reforma elekcji czy naprawa Rzeczypospolitej (1949, wybór tekstów politycznych z XVIII wieku). Współpracował z Wielką Encyklopedią Powszechną Ilustrowaną (1902-1914), "Biblioteką Warszawską", "Gazetą Polską", "Kwartalnikiem Historycznym", "Przeglądem Historycznym", "Przeglądem Polskim".
W 1921 zgłosił projekt wydania Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego. Po dziesięciu latach idea doczekała się realizacji i Konopczyński został pierwszym redaktorem naczelnym wydawnictwa (1931), publikując do wybuchu wojny cztery tomy (do początku litery "D"); po przerwie wojennej słownik wznowiono i pod redakcją Konopczyńskiego ukazały się kolejne dwa tomy (do połowy litery "F"). W 1948, wraz z przymusową emeryturą redaktora, nastąpiła kolejna przerwa w wydawaniu; tom VII ukazał się już po śmierci Konopczyńskiego w 1958. W gronie studentów Konopczyńskiego byli przyszli redaktorzy Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego - Kazimierz Lepszy i Emanuel Rostworowski, a także m.in. Józef Feldman.
"Myśląc Ojczyzna"
prof. dr hab. Piotr Jaroszyński (2008-06-03)
Felieton
słuchajzapisz
Władysław Konopczyński, pseud. Dantyszek, Korzonek (ur. 26 listopada 1880 w Warszawie, zm. 12 lipca 1952 w Młyniku koło Ojcowa), historyk polski, profesor Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, członek Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego i Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności, współtwórca i pierwszy redaktor naczelny Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego.
Był synem Ignacego (inżyniera komunikacji, uczestnika powstania styczniowego) i Ludwiki z Obrąpalskich, bratankiem Emiliana (pedagoga, dyrektora IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie). Szwagrem Władysława Konopczyńskiego został prawnik, profesor Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego Karol Lutostański.
Uczęszczał do Gimnazjum W. Górskiego i IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie (1891-1899), działając aktywnie w młodzieżowych kółkach politycznych i samokształceniowych. Studiował prawo na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim (1899-1904, kończąc studia ze stopniem kandydata nauk prawnych i politycznych na podstawie pracy Przyczynki do kwestyi powstania liberi veto) oraz historię na Uniwersytecie Lwowskim (1907-1908, 1908 doktorat pod kierunkiem Szymona Askenazego). Był nauczycielem historii w IV Gimnazjum w Warszawie, wykładał także w Towarzystwie Kursów Naukowych tamże. Na podstawie pracy Polska w dobie wojny siedmioletniej (przygotowanej pod kierunkiem Wacława Tokarza) habilitował się w 1911 na Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim.
W 1913 został docentem w Katedrze Historii Powszechnej Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego; lata 1914-1916 spędził w Szwecji. W 1917 mianowany profesorem nadzwyczajnym i kierownikiem Katedry Historii Polski Nowożytnej i Najnowszej, profesorem zwyczajnym został w 1921. W 1939 objął funkcję dziekana Wydziału Filozoficznego, zachowując ją formalnie przez cały okres wojny. Znalazł się w gronie pracowników Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego, zatrzymanych w ramach Sonderaktion Krakau; był więziony w Krakowie, Wrocławiu i obozie koncentracyjnym Sachsenhausen, gdzie organizował wykłady i dyskusje naukowe. Po zwolnieniu w lutym 1940 brał udział w tajnym nauczaniu, wykładając historię nowożytną na Tajnym Uniwersytecie Jagiellońskim. Po wojnie powrócił do pracy na uniwersytecie; w 1948, oskarżany o publikacje "szowinistycznie obciążone" i przepojone "furią rasistowską", został zmuszony do rezygnacji z pracy. Ostatnie lata życia spędził w posiadłości w Młyniku, chorując na niewydolność serca.
W 1908 został członkiem rzeczywistym, a w 1929 członkiem czynnym Towarzystwa Naukowego Warszawskiego; w latach 1925-1926 wchodził w skład Zarządu towarzystwa. W 1922 został członkiem-korespondentem, w 1933 członkiem czynnym Polskiej Akademii Umiejętności. Pełnił funkcję sekretarza (1917-1921), później przewodniczącego (1945-1949) Komisji Historycznej PAU, w latach 1931-1949 przewodniczył Komitetowi Redakcyjnemu Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego, wydawanego przez PAU. Należał również do Towarzystwa Historycznego we Lwowie (1913 członek-założyciel Oddziału Krakowskiego), Polskiego Towarzystwa Historycznego (1946-1952 przewodniczący Oddziału Krakowskiego, 1947 prezes Zarządu Głównego), Towarzystwa Naukowego w Toruniu, Związku Inteligencji Polskiej, Szwedzkiej Akademii Literatury, Historii i Archeologii, Towarzystwa Naukowego w Lund, Królewskiego Towarzystwa dla Wydawania Źródeł do Dziejów Skandynawii w Sztokholmie, Towarzystwa Żeglugi Polskiej.
Był także aktywny politycznie. W 1918 był członkiem Organizacji Narodowej, w latach 1922-1927 pełnił mandat poselski z ramienia Związku Ludowo-Narodowego. Krytykował politykę Józefa Piłsudskiego (m.in. na łamach "Trybuny Narodu"). W czasie wojny polsko-bolszewickiej był instruktorem artylerii. Został odznaczony m.in. Krzyżem Oficerskim szwedzkiego Orderu Gwiazdy Polarnej oraz Krzyżem Oficerskim francuskiej Legii Honorowej.
Zainteresowania naukowe Władysława Konopczyńskiego obejmowały historię Polski XVI i XVII wieku, historię państwa i prawa polskiego, historię parlamentaryzmu europejskiego, edytorstwo i biografistykę. Jest uważany za współtwórcę (obok Wacława Sobieskiego) tzw. nowej historycznej szkoły krakowskiej. Prowadził wieloletnie badania archiwalne (w Wiedniu, Dreźnie, Paryżu, Londynie. Kopenhadze, Berlinie), gromadząc liczne materiały do dziejów politycznych Polski w połowie XVIII wieku. Badał genezę i znaczenie konfederacji barskiej. Zainicjował prace nad utworzeniem polskiego ośrodka dokumentacyjno-informacyjnego. Przygotował do wydania m.in. Dyaryusze sejmowe z wieku XVIII (1911-1937, 3 tomy), Pamiętniki Stanisława Augusta Poniatowskiego (1915, ze Stanisławem Ptaszyckim), Materiały do dziejów wojny konfederackiej 1768-1774r. (1931), Reforma elekcji czy naprawa Rzeczypospolitej (1949, wybór tekstów politycznych z XVIII wieku). Współpracował z Wielką Encyklopedią Powszechną Ilustrowaną (1902-1914), "Biblioteką Warszawską", "Gazetą Polską", "Kwartalnikiem Historycznym", "Przeglądem Historycznym", "Przeglądem Polskim".
W 1921 zgłosił projekt wydania Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego. Po dziesięciu latach idea doczekała się realizacji i Konopczyński został pierwszym redaktorem naczelnym wydawnictwa (1931), publikując do wybuchu wojny cztery tomy (do początku litery "D"); po przerwie wojennej słownik wznowiono i pod redakcją Konopczyńskiego ukazały się kolejne dwa tomy (do połowy litery "F"). W 1948, wraz z przymusową emeryturą redaktora, nastąpiła kolejna przerwa w wydawaniu; tom VII ukazał się już po śmierci Konopczyńskiego w 1958. W gronie studentów Konopczyńskiego byli przyszli redaktorzy Polskiego Słownika Biograficznego - Kazimierz Lepszy i Emanuel Rostworowski, a także m.in. Józef Feldman.
Aleksander Kwaśniewski na czele Rady Tolerancji prof. dr hab. Jerzy Robert Nowak
Aleksander Kwaśniewski na czele Rady Tolerancji prof. dr hab. Jerzy Robert Nowak
Aleksander Kwaśniewski na czele Rady Tolerancji (2008-06-05)Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]
Autor: prof. dr hab. Jerzy Robert Nowak
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=8183
Aleksander Kwaśniewski na czele Rady Tolerancji (2008-06-05)Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]
Autor: prof. dr hab. Jerzy Robert Nowak
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=8183
Tuesday, June 3, 2008
Poland US Relations 2008 and why is US not helping Poland?
Poland US Relations 2008 and why is US not helping Poland?
Hello from Polish American Lech Alex Bajan of Arlington Virginia.
Jako Polak z USA of 1987 musze podac moje rozrzalenie z tej niesprawiedliwosci jaka jest w dzisiejszym swiecie w traktowaniu Polski i Polakow.
Polacy pomagaja Stanom Zjednoczonych USA : Iraq, Afghanistan , Kosovo, Panama, Haiti, Polish Army's Peacekeepers in Golan Heights.
Co mamy z tego. Gdzie te kontrakty w Iraku? Nic z tego? Ile to nas Polske i Polakow kosztuje. Mozna by za to zaplacic dlugi wszyskich szpitali w Polsce w wyslac na studia lazdego Polaka a albo podwoic swiadczenia dla najbardziej ubogich.
Co nasz Rzad robi w tej sprawie?
Dlaczaego nie mamy dobrego lobingu w USA. A ja moge pomoc. Jestem 20 lat w Washington DC i wiem jak to dziala.
Przed rostrzygniecien kontraktu w Iraku juz bylem poinformowany ze US kontrakt nie bedzie dla Polski a dla firmy belego sekretarza wojsk USA.
Former Republican Congressman and Secretary of Defense, under President Clinton, William Cohen, sits at the helm of the Cohen Group.
On dostal wiele kontraktow ktore sie Polsce nalezaly.
Nawet byly wypowiedzi Ministra Wojsk Irackich ze kontrakt nie zostal dobrze wypelniony przez firme Cohena: ze wiele sprzetu po dostarczeniu nawet nie dzialalo.
Czy tak chca zniszczyc i tanio wykupic Polski przemysl zbrojeniowy.
Sam pochodze z Krasnika w Lubeskim gdzie slawna na calym swiecie Fabryka Lozysk Tocznych wybudowana w ramach Centralnego Osrodka Przemyslowego w latach 20-30 XX wieki i calkowicie z modernizowana przez firmy japonsko – zachodnio europejskie w latach 80-tych za wiele miliardow dolarow. Ktora kiedys exportowala do 70 krajow swiata i zatrudniala 12 tys. Pracownikow
Zobarztmy tylko dane:
Polacy pomagaja Stanom Zjednoczonych USA
Country
Three Years Before 9/11 ('99-'01)
Three Years After 9/11 ('02-'04)
Change in Dollars
Six-Year Total ('99-'04)
Israel
$9,823,862,000 $9,094,874,000 ($728,988,000) $18,918,736,000
Egypt
$6,122,603,000 $6,025,456,540 ($97,146,460) $12,148,059,540
Pakistan
$9,075,000 $4,152,654,219 $4,143,579,219 $4,161,729,219
Jordan
$981,050,000 $2,670,414,688 $1,689,364,688 $3,651,464,688
Colombia
$1,549,497,000 $2,048,565,665 $499,068,665 $3,598,062,665
Afghanistan
$8,415,000 $2,663,783,836 $2,655,368,836 $2,672,198,836
Turkey
$5,357,000 $1,324,923,070 $1,319,566,070 $1,330,280,070
West Bank and Gaza
$630,557,000 $271,058,000 ($359,499,000) $901,615,000
Peru
$263,543,000 $445,825,971 $182,282,971 $709,368,971
Bolivia
$281,470,000 $320,682,000 $39,212,000 $602,152,000
Ecuador
$110,103,000 $251,367,795 $141,264,795 $361,470,795
Poland
$33,242,000 $301,136,119 $267,894,119 $334,378,119
Iraq
$37,945,000 $283,986,478 $246,041,478 $321,931,478
Haiti
$176,368,000 $87,296,000 ($89,072,000) $263,664,000
Indonesia
$78,126,000 $184,930,913 $106,804,913 $263,056,913
Philippines
$14,642,000 $245,636,802 $230,994,802 $260,278,802
Mexico
$89,957,000 $162,080,493 $72,123,493 $252,037,493
Lebanon
$66,417,000 $110,109,000 $43,692,000 $176,526,000
Timor-Leste
$84,791,000 $89,339,000 $4,548,000 $174,130,000
Bahrain
$693,000 $144,593,000 $143,900,000 $145,286,000
http://polishdeportedfromus.blogspot.com/ my blog
Support Our Allies - They Support Us?
"...For Your Freedom and Ours..."
Gen. T. Kosciuszko (Poland and America's Patriot)
- Poland sent combat troops to Iraq, Afghanistan , Kosovo, Panama, Haiti, Polish Army's Peacekeepers in Golan Heights, Americans during the war.
- Polish troops are responsible for security in 1 of the 4 zones in Iraq
- 20,000 soldiers from 17 countries served under Polish command
Poland sent its elite commando unit, GROM, which means thunder. It helped secure the port at Umm Qasr, which was vital to delivering aid to Iraq. The unit also secured nearby oil platforms before they could be sabotaged.
In the first Gulf War, Polish intelligence officers snuck into Iraq to rescue a group of CIA operatives trapped behind enemy lines.
Poland's secret agents disguised CIA agents as Polish construction workers and smuggled them out of Baghdad.
This was not the first time Polish soldiers risked their lives for our freedom. Generals Casimir Pulaski and Tadeusz Kosciuszko were two of the first foreigners to fight in the American Revolution. Kosciuszko designed and oversaw the construction of West Point. After that, he returned to Poland, where he led a democratic uprising. As a result of that fight, Poland had the first written democratic constitution in Europe, second in the world only to the U.S.
USA DEPORTED POLISH WOMAN IN US SINCE 1989 PERFECT CITIZEN FORMER SOLIDARITY, PERFECT MOTHER, NO CRIMES
I have to bring to your attention. What kind of:
How autocratic our Homeland Security in US is.
Ciekawy wiadomosc prasowa:
Israel to Get $30bn US Defense Aid
RAMALLAH/GAZA CITY, 30 July 2007 — Prime Minister Ehud Olmert yesterday announced a new $30 billion US defense aid package to preserve Israel’s regional military superiority, as he appreciated Washington’s wishes to boost moderate Arab states through weapons sales.
“This is an increase of 25 percent for the military aid to Israel from the United States. I think this is a significant and important increase in defense aid to Israel,” Olmert said at the opening of the weekly Israeli Cabinet meeting.
Olmert added that the aid package was offered during his meeting with US President George W. Bush in Washington on June 20.
“This would mean a lot to Israel’s security, and this is a good opportunity to thank President Bush and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice,” Olmert said.
Other Israeli ministers stressed during the Cabinet meeting Israel’s need to secure its “quality advantage” over its neighbors in the Mideast and the US’ major role in maintaining this advantage.
“Defense aid to Israel is still a top priority for the United States,” Olmert told the Cabinet, adding that Israel enjoys more financial assistance than other countries in the Middle East.
“We have renewed agreements and a renewed commitment from the Americans that would help preserve our advantage over the Arab countries,” Olmert said, referring to reports by the New York Times and the Washington Post that the US is mulling a $20 billion arms deal with Gulf states and increasing military aid to Egypt to $13 billion over 10 years.
The deal with Gulf states includes advanced satellite-guided bombs, upgrades to their fighter jets and new naval vessels. It has reportedly raised concerns in Israel and among its supporters in the Congress. However, Olmert said that Israel fully understood the US’ need to support the moderate states in the region.
“We understand the US’ need to assist the moderate Arab states, which are standing in one front with the United States and us in the struggle against Iran,” Olmert said, referring to its nuclear program.
Israeli security officials called the increase in military aid “an unusual achievement.”
According to Israeli diplomatic sources, the final details about the new aid package to the Jewish state will be worked out during the visit by US Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns to the region, adding that his visit is slated for mid-August.
US defense aid to Israel began in 1973 but a regular 10-year aid plan — with the previous one expiring this summer — was institutionalized in 1977 as part of the Egypt-Israel peace agreement, the official said.
The military aid is made up of 75 percent US military hardware, ranging from ammunition to warplanes, with the other 25 percent in cash, which goes mainly toward securing new Israeli-made weapons.
Meanwhile, a new Palestinian government platform drawn up by Prime Minister Salam Fayyad pledges, in an indirect swipe at the Islamist group Hamas, to prevent the use of violence in the name of Islam.
An official English-language translation, released yesterday, of the policy document said that Fayyad’s administration would build a clearcut strategy to “enhance the status of Islam as a religion of tolerance.”
At the same time, the platform said, the government would prevent “the use of Islam to justify killings, exclusion of others and destruction.”
The phrasing was clearly aimed at Hamas who took control of Gaza last month in fighting with President Mahmoud Abbas’ secular Fatah faction.
The group has accused Abbas, based in the West Bank where Fatah holds sway, of carrying out a coup by setting up the new government without Hamas, which won an election 18 months ago. Palestinian officials on Friday confirmed that the new platform omits the phrase “armed struggle” and “resistance” against Israeli occupation.
A spokeswoman for Olmert has welcomed the new language. Hamas has rebuffed international demands to recognize Israel and renounce violence.
In another development, more than 100 Palestinians stranded for weeks in Egypt after the Hamas takeover of Gaza began returning home yesterday, crossing into Israel and riding buses to a crossing point between Israel and northern Gaza.
The first three Palestinians crossed into Gaza through the Erez checkpoint late yesterday afternoon. They were greeted with kisses and hugs from relatives, who rushed them away from the scene in cars.
The violent Hamas takeover of the Gaza Strip last month triggered the closure of the Rafah border crossing with Egypt, which was run by Palestinian security with European supervision and Israeli security in the background — stranding about 6,000 Palestinians on the Egyptian side. During the violence, the European monitors fled and Hamas militiamen took control of the terminal.
Earlier yesterday, about 1,000 Palestinians gathered in a stadium in the Egyptian town of El-Arish, where authorities read the names of 105 people who they said were approved by Israel to return to Gaza.
Alex Lech Bajan
Polish American
RAQport Inc.
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 22207
Washington DC Area
USA
TEL: 703-528-0114
TEL2: 703-652-0993
FAX: 703-940-8300
EMAIL: office@raqport.com
WEB SITE: http://raqport.com
Hello from Polish American Lech Alex Bajan of Arlington Virginia.
Jako Polak z USA of 1987 musze podac moje rozrzalenie z tej niesprawiedliwosci jaka jest w dzisiejszym swiecie w traktowaniu Polski i Polakow.
Polacy pomagaja Stanom Zjednoczonych USA : Iraq, Afghanistan , Kosovo, Panama, Haiti, Polish Army's Peacekeepers in Golan Heights.
Co mamy z tego. Gdzie te kontrakty w Iraku? Nic z tego? Ile to nas Polske i Polakow kosztuje. Mozna by za to zaplacic dlugi wszyskich szpitali w Polsce w wyslac na studia lazdego Polaka a albo podwoic swiadczenia dla najbardziej ubogich.
Co nasz Rzad robi w tej sprawie?
Dlaczaego nie mamy dobrego lobingu w USA. A ja moge pomoc. Jestem 20 lat w Washington DC i wiem jak to dziala.
Przed rostrzygniecien kontraktu w Iraku juz bylem poinformowany ze US kontrakt nie bedzie dla Polski a dla firmy belego sekretarza wojsk USA.
Former Republican Congressman and Secretary of Defense, under President Clinton, William Cohen, sits at the helm of the Cohen Group.
On dostal wiele kontraktow ktore sie Polsce nalezaly.
Nawet byly wypowiedzi Ministra Wojsk Irackich ze kontrakt nie zostal dobrze wypelniony przez firme Cohena: ze wiele sprzetu po dostarczeniu nawet nie dzialalo.
Czy tak chca zniszczyc i tanio wykupic Polski przemysl zbrojeniowy.
Sam pochodze z Krasnika w Lubeskim gdzie slawna na calym swiecie Fabryka Lozysk Tocznych wybudowana w ramach Centralnego Osrodka Przemyslowego w latach 20-30 XX wieki i calkowicie z modernizowana przez firmy japonsko – zachodnio europejskie w latach 80-tych za wiele miliardow dolarow. Ktora kiedys exportowala do 70 krajow swiata i zatrudniala 12 tys. Pracownikow
Zobarztmy tylko dane:
Polacy pomagaja Stanom Zjednoczonych USA
Country
Three Years Before 9/11 ('99-'01)
Three Years After 9/11 ('02-'04)
Change in Dollars
Six-Year Total ('99-'04)
Israel
$9,823,862,000 $9,094,874,000 ($728,988,000) $18,918,736,000
Egypt
$6,122,603,000 $6,025,456,540 ($97,146,460) $12,148,059,540
Pakistan
$9,075,000 $4,152,654,219 $4,143,579,219 $4,161,729,219
Jordan
$981,050,000 $2,670,414,688 $1,689,364,688 $3,651,464,688
Colombia
$1,549,497,000 $2,048,565,665 $499,068,665 $3,598,062,665
Afghanistan
$8,415,000 $2,663,783,836 $2,655,368,836 $2,672,198,836
Turkey
$5,357,000 $1,324,923,070 $1,319,566,070 $1,330,280,070
West Bank and Gaza
$630,557,000 $271,058,000 ($359,499,000) $901,615,000
Peru
$263,543,000 $445,825,971 $182,282,971 $709,368,971
Bolivia
$281,470,000 $320,682,000 $39,212,000 $602,152,000
Ecuador
$110,103,000 $251,367,795 $141,264,795 $361,470,795
Poland
$33,242,000 $301,136,119 $267,894,119 $334,378,119
Iraq
$37,945,000 $283,986,478 $246,041,478 $321,931,478
Haiti
$176,368,000 $87,296,000 ($89,072,000) $263,664,000
Indonesia
$78,126,000 $184,930,913 $106,804,913 $263,056,913
Philippines
$14,642,000 $245,636,802 $230,994,802 $260,278,802
Mexico
$89,957,000 $162,080,493 $72,123,493 $252,037,493
Lebanon
$66,417,000 $110,109,000 $43,692,000 $176,526,000
Timor-Leste
$84,791,000 $89,339,000 $4,548,000 $174,130,000
Bahrain
$693,000 $144,593,000 $143,900,000 $145,286,000
http://polishdeportedfromus.blogspot.com/ my blog
Support Our Allies - They Support Us?
"...For Your Freedom and Ours..."
Gen. T. Kosciuszko (Poland and America's Patriot)
- Poland sent combat troops to Iraq, Afghanistan , Kosovo, Panama, Haiti, Polish Army's Peacekeepers in Golan Heights, Americans during the war.
- Polish troops are responsible for security in 1 of the 4 zones in Iraq
- 20,000 soldiers from 17 countries served under Polish command
Poland sent its elite commando unit, GROM, which means thunder. It helped secure the port at Umm Qasr, which was vital to delivering aid to Iraq. The unit also secured nearby oil platforms before they could be sabotaged.
In the first Gulf War, Polish intelligence officers snuck into Iraq to rescue a group of CIA operatives trapped behind enemy lines.
Poland's secret agents disguised CIA agents as Polish construction workers and smuggled them out of Baghdad.
This was not the first time Polish soldiers risked their lives for our freedom. Generals Casimir Pulaski and Tadeusz Kosciuszko were two of the first foreigners to fight in the American Revolution. Kosciuszko designed and oversaw the construction of West Point. After that, he returned to Poland, where he led a democratic uprising. As a result of that fight, Poland had the first written democratic constitution in Europe, second in the world only to the U.S.
USA DEPORTED POLISH WOMAN IN US SINCE 1989 PERFECT CITIZEN FORMER SOLIDARITY, PERFECT MOTHER, NO CRIMES
I have to bring to your attention. What kind of:
How autocratic our Homeland Security in US is.
Ciekawy wiadomosc prasowa:
Israel to Get $30bn US Defense Aid
RAMALLAH/GAZA CITY, 30 July 2007 — Prime Minister Ehud Olmert yesterday announced a new $30 billion US defense aid package to preserve Israel’s regional military superiority, as he appreciated Washington’s wishes to boost moderate Arab states through weapons sales.
“This is an increase of 25 percent for the military aid to Israel from the United States. I think this is a significant and important increase in defense aid to Israel,” Olmert said at the opening of the weekly Israeli Cabinet meeting.
Olmert added that the aid package was offered during his meeting with US President George W. Bush in Washington on June 20.
“This would mean a lot to Israel’s security, and this is a good opportunity to thank President Bush and Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice,” Olmert said.
Other Israeli ministers stressed during the Cabinet meeting Israel’s need to secure its “quality advantage” over its neighbors in the Mideast and the US’ major role in maintaining this advantage.
“Defense aid to Israel is still a top priority for the United States,” Olmert told the Cabinet, adding that Israel enjoys more financial assistance than other countries in the Middle East.
“We have renewed agreements and a renewed commitment from the Americans that would help preserve our advantage over the Arab countries,” Olmert said, referring to reports by the New York Times and the Washington Post that the US is mulling a $20 billion arms deal with Gulf states and increasing military aid to Egypt to $13 billion over 10 years.
The deal with Gulf states includes advanced satellite-guided bombs, upgrades to their fighter jets and new naval vessels. It has reportedly raised concerns in Israel and among its supporters in the Congress. However, Olmert said that Israel fully understood the US’ need to support the moderate states in the region.
“We understand the US’ need to assist the moderate Arab states, which are standing in one front with the United States and us in the struggle against Iran,” Olmert said, referring to its nuclear program.
Israeli security officials called the increase in military aid “an unusual achievement.”
According to Israeli diplomatic sources, the final details about the new aid package to the Jewish state will be worked out during the visit by US Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns to the region, adding that his visit is slated for mid-August.
US defense aid to Israel began in 1973 but a regular 10-year aid plan — with the previous one expiring this summer — was institutionalized in 1977 as part of the Egypt-Israel peace agreement, the official said.
The military aid is made up of 75 percent US military hardware, ranging from ammunition to warplanes, with the other 25 percent in cash, which goes mainly toward securing new Israeli-made weapons.
Meanwhile, a new Palestinian government platform drawn up by Prime Minister Salam Fayyad pledges, in an indirect swipe at the Islamist group Hamas, to prevent the use of violence in the name of Islam.
An official English-language translation, released yesterday, of the policy document said that Fayyad’s administration would build a clearcut strategy to “enhance the status of Islam as a religion of tolerance.”
At the same time, the platform said, the government would prevent “the use of Islam to justify killings, exclusion of others and destruction.”
The phrasing was clearly aimed at Hamas who took control of Gaza last month in fighting with President Mahmoud Abbas’ secular Fatah faction.
The group has accused Abbas, based in the West Bank where Fatah holds sway, of carrying out a coup by setting up the new government without Hamas, which won an election 18 months ago. Palestinian officials on Friday confirmed that the new platform omits the phrase “armed struggle” and “resistance” against Israeli occupation.
A spokeswoman for Olmert has welcomed the new language. Hamas has rebuffed international demands to recognize Israel and renounce violence.
In another development, more than 100 Palestinians stranded for weeks in Egypt after the Hamas takeover of Gaza began returning home yesterday, crossing into Israel and riding buses to a crossing point between Israel and northern Gaza.
The first three Palestinians crossed into Gaza through the Erez checkpoint late yesterday afternoon. They were greeted with kisses and hugs from relatives, who rushed them away from the scene in cars.
The violent Hamas takeover of the Gaza Strip last month triggered the closure of the Rafah border crossing with Egypt, which was run by Palestinian security with European supervision and Israeli security in the background — stranding about 6,000 Palestinians on the Egyptian side. During the violence, the European monitors fled and Hamas militiamen took control of the terminal.
Earlier yesterday, about 1,000 Palestinians gathered in a stadium in the Egyptian town of El-Arish, where authorities read the names of 105 people who they said were approved by Israel to return to Gaza.
Alex Lech Bajan
Polish American
RAQport Inc.
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 22207
Washington DC Area
USA
TEL: 703-528-0114
TEL2: 703-652-0993
FAX: 703-940-8300
EMAIL: office@raqport.com
WEB SITE: http://raqport.com
Sunday, June 1, 2008
Antypolonizm na swiecie i zaklamywanie historii Krakow Prof. Nowak Prof. Wolniewicz Audio 120min
Antypolonizm na swiecie i zaklamywanie historii Krakow Prof. Nowak Prof. Wolniewicz Audio 120min
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