Sunday, August 24, 2008

Stanisławe Michalkiewicz at Our Lady Queen of Poland/ Silver Spring August 31th 1:15pm

Stanisławe Michalkiewicz at Our Lady Queen of Poland/ Silver Spring August 31th 1:15pm



Dnia 31 sierpnia 2008 w niedziele
o godzinie 1:15 pm
po mszy św o godz 12 pm
odbędzie sie spotkanie
z redaktorem
Stanisławem Michalkiewiczem
w sali parafialnej
Our Lady Queen of Poland/ St Maxmilian Kolbe
9700 Rosensteel Ave
Silver Spring, MD 20910
Phone: (301) 589-1857 Fax: (301) 589-4401
A Parish of The Roman Catholic Archdiocese of Washington


Redaktor Stanisław Michalkiewicz podzieli się
z państwem spostrzeżeniami dotyczacymi jego
podróży po Kanadzie, Stanach Zjednoczonych, krajach Dalekiego Wschodu
w odniesieniu do sytuacji w Polsce


Stanisław Michalkiewicz urodził się 8 listopada 1947 roku w Lublinie. Szkołę podstawową i Liceum Ogólnokształcące ukończył w Bełżycach. Studia prawnicze na Uniwersytecie Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie ukończył w roku 1969 W roku 1972 ukończył podyplomowe Studium Dziennikarskie na Uniwersytecie Warszawskim.

Od lipca 1972 roku rozpoczyna pracę w redakcji pisma „Zielony Sztandar”, w dziale łączności z czytelnikami. W roku 1977 nawiązuje kontakt z Wojciechem Ziembińskim i Adamem Wojciechowskim – działaczami Ruchu Obrony Praw Człowieka i Obywatela w Polsce. Przystępuje do Ruchu i jako pierwsze zadanie otrzymuje polecenie wyjazdu do Francji w celu nawiązania kontaktu z red. Jerzym Giedroyciem i przywiezienia do Polski pieniędzy zebranych przez redakcję „Kultury” na potrzeby ROPCiO.

Po wykonaniu tego zadania otrzymuje polecenie zorganizowania pisma dla środowisk wiejskich. Pierwszy numer tego pisma pt. „Gospodarz” ukazuje się w grudniu 1977. Pismo podpisują panowie: Piotr Typiak i Bogumił Studziński, obydwaj już nieżyjący. Od piątego numeru „Gospodarz” drukowany jest techniką typograficzną. Drukarnia początkowo mieści się w mieszkaniu Michalkiewicza, jednak wkrótce, ze względów bezpieczeństwa, zostaje przeniesiona do mieszkania Tadeusza Szozdy, który od początku współpracował przy redagowaniu i drukowaniu pisma.

Pismo to odegrało pewną rolę w protestach chłopskich latem 1978 roku. Efektem tych protestów było powstanie Komitetu Samoobrony Chłopskiej Ziemi Lubelskiej (przewodniczący Janusz Rożek) i Komitetu Samoobrony Chłopskiej Ziemi Grójeckiej (przewodniczący Zdzisław Ostatek). Z tych m.in. Komitetów i przy udziale tworzących je chłopskich działaczy w dwa lata później powstała „Solidarność” RI. Linię polityczną i programową „Gospodarza” stanowiła obrona prywatnej własności ziemi i gospodarki rodzinnej oraz przeciwdziałanie tzw. socjalistycznym przeobrażeniom na wsi, zmierzającym do podporządkowania rolników administracji państwowej.

Oprócz artykułów w „Gospodarzu”, Stanisław Michalkiewicz publikował również w drugoobiegowym piśmie „Opinia” pod pseudonimem Andrzej Stanisławski. W tym okresie Michalkiewicz podejmuje dodatkową pracę tłumacza w warszawskim oddziale Agencji Prasowej „Nowosti” i wszystkie zarobione tam pieniądze przeznacza na finansowanie druku „Gospodarza”.

Po utworzeniu w roku 1980 NSZZ „Solidarność” Stanisław Michalkiewicz nawiązuje współpracę z drugoobiegowym wydawnictwem „Krąg”, kierowanym przez Wojciecha Fałkowskiego. W początkach stanu wojennego Michalkiewicz zostaje usunięty z pracy w „Zielonym Sztandarze” w ramach tzw. weryfikacji. Na przełomie marca i kwietnia 1982 wydaje dla wydawnictwa „Krąg” książkę Andrzeja Alberta (prof. Wojciech Roszkowski) „Najnowsza historia Polski” w nakładzie 1000 egzemplarzy.

Wykorzystując kontakty w środowisku drukarzy, wydaje też „Dokumenty SDP”, dla potrzeb zdelegalizowanego Stowarzyszenia Dziennikarzy Polskich. Drukuje również pierwszy numer pisma „Wezwanie” pod redakcją Tomasza Jastruna.

W maju 1982 roku zostaje internowany w Białołęce, gdzie zaprzyjaźnia się z Januszem Korwin-Mikkem. Po zwolnieniu podejmuje pracę robotnika rolnego w okolicach Grójca, a później – robotnika w firmie „Thomex”. W tym też okresie, wykorzystując kontakty z drukarzami, organizuje druk ulotek dla potrzeb podziemnej „Solidarności”.

Jesienią 1983 roku, wraz z Marianem Miszalskim, rozpoczyna wydawanie podziemnego pisma „Kurs”, co inauguruje powstanie wydawnictwa o tej samej nazwie. „Kurs” jest przedsięwzięciem samofinansującym się. W latach 1983-1989 ukazało się 40 numerów „Kursu” oraz ponad 20 książek, wśród których były m.in: „Rewolucja konserwatywna w Ameryce” Guy Sormana (nakład 5,5 tys. egz.), „Wolny wybór” Miltona Friedmana (2 tys. egz.) „Nowe bogactwo narodów” Guy Sormana (2 tys. egz.), pozycje historyczne („Droga do Ostrej Bramy” Jana Erdmana (2 tys.), „Nie trzeba głośno mówić” Józefa Mackiewicza (4 tys.), a nawet książka dla dzieci („Bohaterski miś” Bronisławy Ostrowskiej – 1 tys.).


Historia wydawnictwa „Kurs”, cz. 1 (Strona Prokapitalistyczna)

Historia wydawnictwa „Kurs”, cz. 2 (Strona Prokapitalistyczna)

Życie codzienne wydawnictwa „Kurs” (Strona Prokapitalistyczna)


Linia polityczna miesięcznika i wydawnictwa „Kurs” sprowadzała się do propagowania konserwatywnego liberalizmu i liberalnych rozwiązań gospodarczych. Wyrazem ówczesnego ideowego credo Michalkiewicza była wydana w roku 1983 przez Officynę Liberałów (Janusz Korwin-Mikke) broszura „Monologi”.

W roku 1987 Michalkiewicz, wraz z innymi sygnatariuszami (m.in. śp. Stefanem Kisielewskim), podpisuje akt założycielski partii politycznej Ruch Polityki Realnej, której prezesem zostaje Janusz Korwin-Mikke. Jest to pierwsza partia polityczna w życiu Stanisława Michalkiewicza. W maju 1988 roku zostaje aresztowany podczas transportu książek „Kursu” i we wrześniu skazany na konfiskatę mienia.

W marcu 1990 roku wchodzi do zespołu redakcyjnego tygodnika „Najwyższy Czas!” i zostaje członkiem władz krajowych Unii Polityki Realnej (pod taką nazwą zarejestrowała się w grudniu 1990 roku partia utworzona w roku 1987). W roku 1992 zostaje redaktorem naczelnym „N.Cz!”. Po krótkiej przerwie na przełomie lat 1992/93 (praca w redakcji gazety „Nowy Świat”), powraca na stanowisko redaktora naczelnego „N.Cz!”, które zajmuje aż do jesieni roku 1997, kiedy zostaje prezesem Unii Polityki Realnej, po rezygnacji z tej funkcji Janusza Korwin-Mikkego. W roku 1999 składa rezygnację z funkcji prezesa UPR, którą Konwentykl UPR ponownie powierza Januszowi Korwin-Mikke.

Stanisław Michalkiewicz kandydował z ramienia UPR do Sejmu w kampaniach parlamentarnych w latach 1991, 1993 i 1997, jednak bez powodzenia. W roku 1992 uzyskał z rąk Marszałka Sejmu nominację na sędziego Trybunału Stanu, którym był aż do rozwiązania Sejmu w roku 1993. W roku 1991 opracował projekt „małej konstytucji”, wydatnie zwiększający uprawnienia prezydenta i próbował, acz bez większego powodzenia, zainteresować nim ówczesnego prezydenta RP Lecha Wałęsę.

W roku 1992 opracował projekt konstytucji, przewidujący system prezydencki. Projekt ten nie uzyskał niezbędnego poparcia ówczesnych parlamentarzystów m.in. z powodu postulatu ograniczenia liczebności Sejmu do 120 posłów. Michalkiewicz był także autorem kilku innych projektów ustaw, m.in. projektu ordynacji wyborczej (1992), przewidującej wybory wg zasad większościowych. Projekt ten został jednak głosami posłów centroprawicowych i posłów SLD zdecydowanie odrzucony przez Nadzwyczajną Komisję ds. Ordynacji Wyborczej.

Stanisław Michalkiewicz jest również autorem książek. Oprócz wspomnianej już broszury „Monologi”, ukazały się następujące jego książki: „Ulubiony ustrój Pana Boga”, „Na gorącym uczynku”, „Choroba czerwonych oczu”, „W przededniu końca świata”, „Szczypta herezji”, „Polska ormowcem Europy”, „Na niemieckim pograniczu”, „Targowica urządza się przy Napoleonie”, „Studia nad żydofilią”, „Spod listka figowego” oraz „Dobry 'zły' liberalizm”.

Obecnie pracuje jako publicysta „Najwyższego Czasu!” i „Naszej Polski”, współpracuje z Radiem Maryja. Jest także wykładowcą w Wyższej Szkole Stosunków Międzynarodowych i Amerykanistyki w Warszawie oraz Wyższej Szkole Kultury Społecznej i Medialnej w Toruniu.

Żonaty, troje dzieci.
Stanisław Michalkiewicz [Pod Prąd- Puls] 1/4

Stanisław Michalkiewicz 2/4

Stanisław Michalkiewicz 3/4

Stanisław Michalkiewicz 4/4

Friday, August 22, 2008

Poland and Polish People for Georgia Freedom


Poland and Polish People for Georgia Freedom



WARSAW — The bustling streets of downtown Warsaw, increasingly filled with gleaming new automobiles and lined with Western boutique stores, seem a world away from downtown Tbilisi, Georgia’s capital, where jittery residents this month faced the once inconceivable threat of Russian tanks advancing down Rustaveli Avenue in the center of the city.


Poland’s sense of security did not occur overnight. It was a result of nearly two decades of assiduous work to burrow as deeply into Western institutions as possible, leaving behind the Russian sphere and taking what leaders in this largely Roman Catholic country had long argued was its natural place in the West.


Times Topics: Missiles and Missile Defense SystemsAlso setting it apart is the lack of a sizable Russian minority, which so worries officials in Ukraine and other former Soviet republics. Of Poland’s 38.5 million people, 97 percent are ethnically Polish.

In signing the deal on Wednesday to allow American missiles to be based within its borders, Poland is being true to both its tortured past and its present as a new European power. It is allowing the missiles, but on its own terms: the deal says that the United States will also contribute a Patriot missile battery that will be operated by American troops for the time being, binding Poland and the United States in a way that increases both the risk and the cost of confrontation with a newly emboldened Russia.

Poland is not just relying on allies like the United States for its defense. The country is in the process of revamping its military, ending conscription and modernizing its professional army. Among the former Communist nations now integrated into NATO and the European Union, Poland has grown into the role of outspoken advocate for countries like Ukraine and Georgia that are still in Russia’s orbit.

“Poland will be a normal European country when it has normal, democratic, free-market countries on both sides of its border,” said Mr. Sikorski, the foreign minister, adding, “and that includes Russia, by the way.”

In many ways, this assertive country, aided by Western allies and institutions, is a model of what can be achieved with Western support, but also of exactly what Russia does not want Ukraine and Georgia becoming on its southern flank.

Public support for the missile deal was far from universal on the streets of Warsaw. Some residents said the threat was being hyped by leaders for political gain, and others maintained that any steps that might provoke Russia were a mistake.

“It’s the dumbest thing we could have done,” said Slawomir Janak, 72, a retiree. “This decision is going to have its repercussions on Poland for a long time. It might even lead to the third world war.”

But most said it was a necessary step.

“If the Western nations don’t defend such a strategic target as the pipelines in Georgia, why should they defend Poland, which is less strategic?” said Szymon Chlebowski, 22, a student from Gdansk out for a stroll down Warsaw’s grand boulevard, Krakowskie Przedmiescie. “In the perspective of five years, I see a real threat for Poland, starting in the Baltic nations, north to south first, and then Poland, with the same lack of reaction by Western nations.”

“As in the Second World War,” said Joanna Skicka, 22, who was with him. “The story will repeat itself.”

Mr. Chlebowski said he and his friends had started discussing where they would go if Poland were attacked. In a sign of Poland’s orientation to the West, they said they planned to escape to Italy or Spain.
Times Topics: Missiles and Missile Defense SystemsBut the events in the Caucasus, and threats of an attack by a Russian general after the announcement of a deal to place an American missile defense base on Polish soil, have cast a pall of doubt over this country, which, flush and confident, has taken its place in the West, specifically on the side of America, as an ally rather than as a vassal.

As the United States and Poland formally signed the missile defense agreement on Wednesday, over vociferous objections from Moscow, polls in the daily newspaper Dziennik showed public opinion swinging sharply in the last month, from opposition to the missile base to support.

“Before the Georgia invasion, I was against the installation of the missile shield in Poland,” said Julian Damentko, 26, a student out for a walk in Saski Park here earlier this week. “But now, after the events there, I feel threatened from the East, and I don’t regret the decision.”

Poland, where the Solidarity trade union hammered the first cracks into the old Soviet bloc, has been feeling its strength as a leader of the New Europe of former Soviet-sphere states. But since the Georgia crisis, this largest of post-Communist European Union members has moved to cement its relationship to action-oriented America and not just the tentative bureaucracies of Europe and NATO.

The Russian invasion reminded Poles once again how quickly and dangerously Eastern Europe can divide. Poland is struggling to show that it will not fall behind the faint old lines of the cold war, which may have seemed foggily forgotten in the West since the Berlin Wall fell but are remembered all too well here.

On newsstands, the cover of the mainstream, right-leaning weekly magazine Wprost features an illustration of Vladimir V. Putin, Russia’s prime minister, with an instantly recognizable little mustache and sweep of hair across the forehead that make the headline, “Adolf Putin,” redundant. The Polish edition of Newsweek shows the outspoken and at times impolitic Polish president, Lech Kaczynski, in the pilot’s seat of an airplane cockpit under the headline, “You have to be tough with Russia.”

Radek Sikorski, Poland’s foreign minister and the government’s point man on missile defense, said in an interview this week, “Parchments and treaties are all very well, but we have a history in Poland of fighting alone and being left to our own devices by our allies.”

It is not a cold war mindset that drives Poland, Mr. Sikorski said, but one that harks all the way back to World War II, when, despite alliances with Britain and France, Poland fought Nazi Germany alone, and lost.

It was “the defining moment for us in the 20th century,” Mr. Sikorski said. “Then we were stabbed in the back by the Soviet Union, and that determined our fate for 50 years.”

As a result, Poland’s foreign policy is stamped by mistrust not only for Russia’s ambitions but also for hollow assurances from its own allies. Georgia’s lonely fight against an overwhelming Russian military served as an object lesson — a refresher that people here said no one needed — on the limits of waiting for help from friends.

“We’re determined this time around to have alliances backed by realities, backed by capabilities,” said Mr. Sikorski, pointing out that all Poland has now in terms of NATO infrastructure is one unfinished conference center.

This kind of strategic thinking was supposed to be on the way out. It was just last December when Poles celebrated the removal of all border checkpoints with Germany and other European neighbors, a powerful symbol of the country’s full membership in the Western club.

The economy has been churning out new jobs and higher wages, allowing Poles to enjoy a standard of living that, though not up to French or German standards yet, is far beyond what everyday people could have imagined in Communist times.

In Warsaw, there remains a sense of remove, if no longer complete security.

“There is a certain climate of safety, that we are already long admitted in the Atlantic alliance, that we proved to be a good member, a good ally,” said Marek Ostrowski, the foreign editor of Polityka, a mainstream weekly news magazine. He said there was a feeling among Poles that “the summer is nice and finally people don’t feel threatened.”
Letter from Frank J. Spula, the President of the Polish American Congress regarding Russia's Threats to Poland


August 18, 2008

Dear President Bush:

As President of the Polish American Congress I am writing to offer my
support for you in the event the need arises for you to support Poland
concerning a statement made last week by a top Russian general, shortly
after he learned of the completion of the United States – Poland agreement
of last Thursday for the deployment in Poland of a missile interceptor base
as part of a defensive system designed for blocking attacks by rogue
nations.

On Friday, August 8, 2008 Deputy Chief of Staff, Russian General Anatoly
Nogovitsyn stated: “Poland, by deploying (the system) is exposing itself to
a strike – 100 percent”. This remark is abhorrent to Poles and Polish
Americans. It connotes the image of past Czarist and Soviet regimes which
promoted invasion, murder, fear, Siberian hard-labor camps, and
war-terrorism which people living in contiguous states from the Baltic to
the Danube and thence to the Black Sea and Caspian Sea fought against for
centuries. It is apparent that history has a tendency to repeat itself when
it comes to the Russian Federation of our 21st century.

Poland has always been a friend of the United States, dating its friendship
to the Revolutionary War, when courageous Polish men of principle and honor
such as Generals Thaddeus Kosciusko and Casimir Pulaski heroically defended
our emerging democracy against British imperialism.

Consequently, it is the hope and expectation of Polish Americans that the
United States will not only sustain its full political and diplomatic
influence for building a world-wide consensus for condemning Russia’s
unprincipled inordinate attack on Georgia, and equally as well for
condemning Russia’s reckless and menacing threat to attack and destroy
Poland, but also if necessary, to deploy American military forces if needed,
to protect the freedom and democracy that Poland has fought so long to
establish and retain.

On behalf of the Polish American Congress representing more than ten million
Americans of Polish descent, I want you to know that I sincerely appreciate
your efforts relating to these current developments and thank you for your
support of Poland, one of America’s most loyal and trusted allies and
friends.

Respectfully,

Frank J. Spula
President

Polish American Congress
1612 K Street, N.W. Suite 410
Washington, D.C. 20006
Tel: (202) 296-6955
Fax: (202) 835-1565
Web: www.polamcon.org

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Friday, August 15, 2008

Radio Maryja with community for over 5 million people in Poland and all over the world.

Radio Maryja with community for over 5 million people in Poland and all over the world.


Nasz Dziennik, 2007-09-16

A few questions politically incorrect...

1. Those who listen to Radio Maryja know that the radio station does not identify with any political party. People from various backgrounds, circles speak on the air, even those who belong to various political societies. Of course you will hear words of critique on the air; their target is not any particular political party and its structures but the morale of specific persons irrespective of their political attachments. This critique is delivered in the spirit of Gospel, that is not just a "sweet story about Jesus", who pats everyone on the head and agrees with everyone, but as an evaluation of human attitudes that Jesus himself conducted, very often very harshly, e.g. when he called King Herod "a fox", and the Pharisees - "grobami pobielanymi". Additionally, it's not Radio Maryja that identifies with a specific political party but it's the liberal media that tries to identify Radio Maryja with some political groups! It is worth noting that various media identified Radio Maryja with different political parties at different times, always simply to discredit the radio station by attaching its name to a chosen political party. This is why mass media attempts to convince the public of the Catholic station's supposed political outlook.

2. The "criticism" of Radio Maryja in the media usually comes down to labeling it as "xenophobic radio" or "voice of hatred". The truth is that the radio station sometimes airs harsh criticism of actions of some groups operating in Poland and outside; the Torun based station never calls for any hatred towards anybody, especially any nations! Additionally, those that speak or are quoted on the air are people from different countries, speaking different languages, who love the truth and are its advocates in the name of true and pure brotherhood and cooperation between the nations. There was a time when a well-known actor publicly declared his surprise when he heard that Radio Maryja is spreading hatred towards other nations. He stated he never heard any such things at Radio Maryja. Nothing less, nothing more. This only leaves a question: when will someone finally present proof to support the allegation that Radio Maryja calls for hatred towards other nations? Or maybe someones will have to face the truth and apologize for distributing slander against the Torun-based radio station?

3. One of the most serious, and at the same time the strangest allegations against Radio Maryja is that it is breaking the unity of Church. Meanwhile Radio Maryja's contribution to uniting worshippers in Poland and around the world is extremely valuable. Unity of Church is not a static value but a reality requiring constant development. Gospel and the word of God, propagating healthy teachings of the Church, participation in sacristy, prayer, caring for the underprivileged, and finally declaration of Christianity that is given not only by clergy but also by laics, are meant to build that unity. Is there any other Polish or international media that spreads Gospel, the Pope's teachings, lectures and speeches of the bishops, katechezy given based on the Catholic Church Katechizm, commentaries and biblical meditation daily? How much more can you contribute to the strengthening of the unity of Church?

4. In all this current medial noise it is often difficult to see the fact that those media that often take great care to promote the unity of Church are those used to propagate atheism. They eagerly allow speaking the members of the clergy that, worried about the good of the worshippers, spread. These clergymen act with good intentions when they try to use any possible newspaper, magazine, radio or television station to propagate Catholicism, without paying any attention to the anti-religious profile of some of these media. It must be remembered that the means never justify the ends - the media as well! Those members of the clergy that appear in magazines, newspapers, radio and television stations that often spread anti-Christian texts cause the disturbances in the Church unity causing confusion amongst the believing mass media recipients. In this way they are authenticating those communicators that are fighting against the Church and the truth of the Gospel. Why is such little attention being paid to the dangers that result from the activities of antagonistic mass media, which misshape the image of the Church and try to divide the believers?

5. Radio Maryja is a public broadcaster; its operation is possible thanks to donations from the listeners that speak on the air. It is a stage that allows Catholics to partake in the evangelism, and with that - in unifying the Church. Thanks to the radio station they have a way to influence the public, political, cultural, and educational activities of Poles in Poland and around the world. Is there a better mean of public communication encouraging Catholics to - according to the teachings of the Church - take responsibility for the political and public life in the name of justice and Christian love?

6. To paraphrase a famous American preacher, Archbishop Fulton John Sheen we ca say that if you want to see what if holiest in the world take a look at what is most persecuted. Radio Maryja is persecuted not because someone spoke unfortunate words on the air, lied to the listeners, or disrespected someone (in laic mass media this is standard practice) but because it is through the radio station that the Gospel is spread around the world. If Radio Maryja and its founders were not a danger to the society of atheists that is trying by all means to make Poland and the world a society of atheists, we would not be persecuted. If the truths spoken on the air had no real value, were not real, good, truthful land faithful, they would not be attacked, falsified, and laughed at. If it wasn't for Radio Maryja, the Polish Church would be virtually helpless and silent, following the example of the traditionally strong Irish Church, whose "evangelical power" and the influence on the daily life are weakening because - as stated by one the lecturers at a seminary academy at Maynooth - they do not have access to media or laic capable of protecting the Church in public. Whose interests lie in weakening or even annihilating Radio Maryja?



Fr Prof. Dr. hab. Ryszard Hajduk CSsR